前沿丨社会-法律研究杂志（英国）最近的讨论聚焦：战略性诉讼、不平等与斗争

《社会-法律研究》第33卷，第4期

Ruth Dukes, Eleanor Kirk

摘要：本文探讨了战略性诉讼对工人和工会意味着什么这一问题。文章借鉴现有文献，并对工会官员、具有代表工会经验的律师以及整个劳工运动的其他参与者进行了一系列半结构化访谈，探讨了英国工会及其内部参与者如何理解和体验战略性诉讼和法律动员，他们寻求实现什么目标，以及对他们而言哪些有效、哪些无效。本报告揭示了不同工会之间的差异和共性，表明工会在决定将资源用于诉讼（通常代价高昂）时绝非轻率之举。工会对战略性诉讼的态度既不是直接接受，也不是对其潜力持完全怀疑的态度。

Abstract

This article addresses the question of what strategic litigation means for workers and trade unions. Drawing on the existing literature and on a series of semi-structured interviews with union officials, lawyers with experience in representing them and other actors from across the labour movement, it explores how U.K. trade unions and actors within them understand and experience strategic litigation and legal mobilisation, what they seek to achieve, and what has been effective and ineffective for them. Uncovering both differences and commonalities between different unions, it suggests that the decision to devote union resources to – usually very costly – litigation is never taken lightly. Trade union approaches to strategic litigation involve neither a straightforward embrace of it nor an outright scepticism regarding its potential.

Katie Cruz

摘要：一个由脱衣舞女和性工作者组成的小规模运动正在组建工会，成为面包师食品与联合工人工会的性工作者工会（SWU）分会。在阶级斗争过程中，性工作者工会对法律和社会提出了反霸权观点。这一观点揭开了脱衣舞女和性工作者是自由工作者和进取主体，还是需要国家保护的不自由的弱势受害者的神秘面纱。社工联盟的反霸权视角颠覆了这一常识性假设——认为脱衣舞女和性工作者是不自由的劳动者和自由的性主体。这种去神秘化在 SWU 的 “女权主义法律工作 ”中体现得淋漓尽致，它要求通过在官方法律范围内开展工作，并反对官方法律，从而使所有性工作者非商品化和非刑罪化。最后，我认为其他女权主义者至少有三个理由支持 SWU，停止通过定罪和封杀运动来消灭性工作。这将为性工作者与其他女权主义者之间的团结政治开辟空间，这种团结政治是以性工作者的劳动商品化的现实状况为中心。

Abstract

A minor movement of strippers and sex workers are unionising as the Sex Workers’ Union (SWU) branch of the Bakers Food & Allied Workers Union. SWU have produced a counter hegemonic perspective on law and society in the process of class struggle. This perspective demystifies the view that strippers and sex workers are free workers and enterprising subjects, or unfree vulnerable victims in need of state protection. SWU's counter hegemonic perspective inverts this common-sense assumption and posits that strippers and sex workers are unfree workers and free sexual subjects. This demystification is evident in SWU's ‘feminist law work’, which demands decommodification and decriminalisation for all sex workers by working within, and against, official law. In conclusion, I argue that there are at least three reasons why other feminists should support SWU by ceasing eradication of sex work via criminalisation and closure campaigns. This would open space for a politics of solidarity between sex workers and other feminists, centred on the conditions within which sex workers’ labour is commodified.

Sol Picciotto

摘要：将法律作为一种社会过程来研究，应结合从政治经济学角度对结构进行的分析，以及从社会学角度对律师通过制定和解释法律条文来调解社会关系和冲突的实践的关注。软件已成为世界经济的氧气，为改变经济活动和社会生活的数字化提供了动力。这种形式是由律师塑造的，他们为计算机程序的知识产权而斗争，将其写入国家法律和国际标准，并制定国际避税战略，帮助数字技术跨国巨头公司在全球占据主导地位。这些法律概念反映并塑造了当代企业资本主义中以法律为媒介的经济和政治权力的社会斗争。

Abstract

The study of law as a social process should combine an analysis of structures from a political economy perspective with a sociological focus on the practices of lawyering in mediating social relations and conflicts through the formulation and interpretation of legal texts. This approach is applied here to software, which has become the oxygen of the world economy, powering the digitalisation that has transformed economic activities and social life. The forms this has taken have been moulded by lawyers, battling over intellectual property rights in computer programs, enshrining them in national law and international standards, as well as devising the international tax avoidance strategies that have helped propel the giant digital-tech transnational corporations to global dominance. These contests have taken place through processes of formulation and interpretation of the legal concepts that both reflect and shape social struggles over economic and political power, mediated by law, in contemporary corporate capitalism.

Asta Zokaityte, Will Robinson Mbioh

摘要：在 Taiwo 案中，最高法院驳回了两名国内移民工人的种族歧视申诉，裁定基于“移民身份”的歧视不应等同于基于“种族 ”的歧视。本文以Taiwo案为例，提出了司法决策非殖民化的论点，以重新设想对种族不公受害者更为有利的结果。本文通过去殖民化判决的三个主张来探讨这一论点：(a) 挑战司法推理和法律理论中的种族偏见；(b) 挑战作为种族压迫和不平等场所的法律框架；(c) 考虑种族化经历的背景多样性，避免本质主义论点和种族歧视类别。在此基础上，文章重新讲述了 Taiwo 的故事，以挑战占主导地位的传统种族平等范式，并揭示了在不同的历史和社会文化背景及社区中，人们被种族化的不同的、多层次的方式。这也为从 “契约自由 ”的自由主义范式向种族契约分析的认识论转变提供了可能性，而种族契约是由多层次、多背景的压迫和统治结构共同构成的。

Abstract

In Taiwo, one of the most recent landmark cases on racial justice, the Supreme Court rejected race discrimination claims of two domestic migrant workers, ruling that discrimination on the basis of ‘immigration status’ should not be equated to discrimination on the basis of ‘race’. This article presents an argument for decolonising judicial decision-making, using Taiwo as an example to reimagine a much more favourable outcome for victims of racial injustice. This argument is explored through three propositions for decolonial judgment: (a) challenging racial bias in judicial reasoning and legal doctrine; (b) challenging legal frameworks as sites of racial oppression and inequality; and (c) accounting for contextual diversity of experiences of racialisation, avoiding essentialist arguments and categories of racial discrimination. Drawing on these, the article retells the stories in Taiwo to challenge the dominant, traditional race equality paradigm and expose the varied and multi-layered ways in which people are racialised differently across historical and socio-cultural contexts and communities. It also opens the potential for an epistemic shift away from the liberal paradigm of ‘freedom of contract’ and towards the analysis of racial contracting that is co-constituted by multi-layered and context-situated structures of oppression and domination.

Azar Masoumi

摘要

本文将难民保护和临时外籍工人计划这两个看似截然不同的项目放在一起，揭示它们之间的相互联系。我认为，尽管难民保护看似具有人道主义的特殊性，但它与加拿大经济中临时外籍工人类别和供应的产生都有着深刻的联系。我证明了难民法在阶级和经济剥夺问题上的定义限制是移民工人类别概念化不可或缺的一部分。然后，我利用统计数据表明，加拿大的难民裁决模式有助于维持临时外籍工人的供应。我特别指出，加拿大一直拒绝来自主要移民工人来源国（即牙买加和墨西哥）的难民申请。通过拒绝这些申请，加拿大的难民保护将牙买加和墨西哥国民视为不合适的永久保护对象，并随后使他们成为临时外籍劳工。实际上，加拿大的移民/移居就像一扇旋转门：将某些国籍的人推出难民身份的永久保护之外，同时又将他们拉入临时劳工移居的危险境地。

Abstract

This paper places the seemingly distinct projects of refugee protection and temporary foreign worker programs alongside one another to reveal their interlinked relationship. I argue that despite its seeming humanitarian exceptionality, refugee protection is deeply implicated in the production of both the category and supply of temporary foreign workers for the Canadian economy. I demonstrate that the defining limitations of refugee law in relation to questions of class and economic deprivation are integral to the conceptualization of the category of the migrant worker. I then engage with statistical data to show that patterns of refugee adjudications in Canada have contributed to maintaining the supply of temporary foreign workers. In particular, I show that Canada has consistently rejected refugee claims from key source countries of migrant workers, namely Jamaica and Mexico. By refusing these claims, Canadian refugee protection has constituted Jamaican and Mexican nationals as inappropriate subjects of permanent protection and, subsequently, primed them for incorporation as temporary foreign workers. In effect, Canadian im/migration has operated like a revolving door: pushing some nationalities out of the permanent protection of refugee status while pulling them into the precarious opening of temporary labour migration.

Jukka Könönen

摘要：尽管在日常警务工作和移民执法中经常援引公共秩序和安全作为采取强制措施的理由，但它仍然是一个模棱两可的法律概念。对于欧盟公民而言，《公民权利指令》规定，公共秩序和安全理由是比单纯的刑事定罪更高的驱逐门槛。然而，基于对 100 份针对芬兰境内流动的爱沙尼亚和罗马尼亚公民的遣送令的分析中发现，欧盟公民的遣送理由甚至不如刑事定罪。最终，遣送令依赖于对未来犯罪的假设，并援引了具有犯罪倾向的 “危险个人 ”的概念，即使是基于单一的轻微犯罪和没有刑事定罪的行政处罚令。尽管有各种不同的法律含义，但我认为，驱逐欧盟公民所需的公共秩序和安全理由与警方将流动人口视为潜在犯罪来源和社会秩序威胁的概念是一致的。

Abstract

Despite being frequently invoked in everyday police work and immigration enforcement to justify coercive measures, public order and security remains an ambiguous legal concept. For EU citizens, the Citizens’ Rights Directive stipulates public order and security grounds to provide a higher threshold against removals than criminal convictions alone. However, the removal grounds for EU citizens were founded on even less than criminal convictions in analysis of 100 removal orders for mobile Estonian and Romanian citizens in Finland. Ultimately, the removal orders relied on the assumption of future crimes and invoked a conception of ‘dangerous individuals’ with criminal tendencies, even based on single minor offences and administrative penal orders without criminal convictions. Notwithstanding various legal meanings, I argue that the required public order and security grounds for the removal of EU citizens corresponded to police conceptions of mobile populations as a potential source of criminality and a threat to social order.

Randi Solhjell, Henning Kaiser Klatran

摘要：本文研究了警官和检察官如何理解和谈论他们处理仇恨犯罪的工作。我们的分析基于罗伯特-莱纳（Robert Reiner）广为人知的主张，即警务工作本质上是政治性的。我们确定了三个核心问题来说明仇恨犯罪警务工作的政治性质。第一，区分犯罪行为和合法行为的政治边界工作。其次，仇恨犯罪法律的实施对社会不平等现象再生产的影响。第三， “多样性政治”试图在少数群体中赢得合法性和信任，正是仇恨犯罪立法所保护的。虽然我们的受访者中明显存在对仇恨犯罪治安的强烈承诺，但我们要问的是，他们的政治投资话语是否会导致对执法的有限效果缺乏批判性反思，以及对种族化犯罪控制和种族主义的紧迫问题缺乏参与。

Abstract

This article investigates how police officers and prosecutors make sense of and speak about their work with hate crimes. Our analysis rests upon Robert Reiner's widely acknowledged claim that policing is inherently political. We identified three core issues that illustrate the political nature of policing hate crimes. First, the politically contingent boundary work of distinguishing criminal from legal acts. Second, the impact of the enforcement of hate crime laws on the reproduction of social inequalities. Third, the “diversity politics” of gaining legitimacy and trust among minorities, which hate crime legislation is meant to protect. While a strong commitment to policing hate crimes is evident among our interviewees, we ask if the politically invested discourse they present may contribute to an absence of critical reflections regarding the limited effect of law enforcement, as well as a lack of engagement with pressing concerns regarding racialized crime control and racism.

Samantha Fairclough

摘要：本文运用费恩曼的脆弱性理论，论证了在刑事审判中以口头原则为前提的传统对抗式审查证人的方法会降低作证者的应变能力。这是因为对抗性环境往往使作证者处于高度紧张状态，从而降低了证据的质量和可靠性。反过来，这种在刑事审判中获取证人口头证词的传统方法也失去了弹性，因为它作为一般方法变得更加难以自圆其说。使用特别措施——调整作证方式并减轻一些相关的压力——为作证的个人、其证据的可靠性以及由此产生的刑事判决的安全性提供了弹性。因此，特别措施所产生的积极效果为我们对口头原则及其所依据的原则的承诺提供了更多的弹性。本文的结论是，国家应通过更慷慨的特别措施规定，最大限度地加强这种复原力。

Abstract

Using Fineman's vulnerability theory, this paper argues that the traditional adversarial approach to examining witnesses in criminal trials – premised on the principle of orality – reduces the resilience of those giving evidence. This is because the adversarial setting often leaves those testifying in a heightened state of stress, reducing the quality and reliability of their evidence as a result. In turn, this traditional approach to securing oral witness testimony in criminal trials loses resilience, in that it becomes more difficult to justify as the general approach. The use of special measures – to adjust the way testimony is given and ameliorate some of the associated stressors – provides resilience to the individual testifying, the robustness of their evidence, and the safety of consequent criminal verdicts. The positive effects special measures yield therefore lend additional resilience to our commitment to the principle of orality and the principles upon which it rests. This article concludes that the State should maximise such resilience-building through more generous special measures provision.