前沿 | 法医报告的作用（《社会-法律研究》第33卷第3期摘要）

《社会-法律研究》第33卷，第3期

Tyler J King ，Joshua DM Shaw and Liam Kennedy 

摘要：加拿大省级审查委员会的任务，是确定 “因精神失常而不负刑事责任 ”者的处置。我们通过该委员会的案卷，探讨了法医医院报告在医学-法律风险知识生成中的作用。通过详细的案例研究，我们展示了报告的内容和特定的材料形式是如何让委员会产生 “具有重大威胁的个人”--而这正是委员会（和报告）所要预设的。因此，我们呼吁学者们记录他们的文件，并本着行为者网络理论（ANT）的精神，将社会法律对象作为知识创造的积极参与者进行分析。通过对医院报告可能允许、鼓励或禁止人类行为者进行的 “知识移动 ”进行说明，我们希望，即使是对行为者网络理论持怀疑态度的人，也能利用这些工具更好地理解各种法律决策过程及其影响。

Abstract

Drawing on case files from a Canadian provincial review board tasked with determining the disposition of persons found ‘not criminally responsible on account of mental disorder’, we explore the role of the forensic hospital report in the production of medico-legal risk knowledges. Through a detailed case study, we show how the report's content and particular material form allow the Board to produce the ‘significantly threatening individual’ – the very thing the Board (and report) are meant to presuppose. We therefore call on scholars to document their documents, and, in the spirit of actor-network theory (ANT), to analytically treat socio-legal objects as active participants in knowledge's creation. By accounting for the ‘knowledge moves’ the hospital report might allow, encourage, or prohibit human actors to make, we hope even ANT sceptics can use these tools to better understand various legal decision-making processes and their effects.

Simeon Koroma 

摘要：据说，金钱支出使农村贫困诉讼当事人无法诉诸通常集中在城市中心的官方司法机构，从而将这些诉讼当事人推向了习惯法庭。同时，事实证明，替代性的习惯法法庭比正式的司法机构（如官方治安法庭）花费更多。本文研究了诉讼当事人选择司法机构的经济学依据，为超越以国家为中心的法律多元化的新分析做出了贡献。文章认为，在塞拉利昂首都的非官方、不受承认的传统法庭--“酒吧间”（barrays），金钱在案件中的作用，不仅解释了普通人参与（非）法律程序的原因，还展示了司法在实践中是如何被理解和（再）产生的。

Abstract

Monetary expenses are said to prohibit poor rural litigants from accessing official justice institutions, which are often concentrated in urban centres, thus pushing these litigants towards customary forums. At the same time, the alternative customary courts have been shown to cost more than formal justice institutions such as official magistrates courts. This article examines the economics informing litigants’ choices of judicial forums to contribute to a new analysis beyond state-centred legal pluralism. It argues that how money features in cases at barrays – the unofficial, unrecognised, customary courts in the capital city of Sierra Leone – not only explains why ordinary people engage with (extra)legal processes, but also demonstrates how justice is understood and (re)produced in practice.

Natasha Carver, Saffron Karlsen, Magda Mogilnicka and Christina Pantazis

摘要：本文通过非殖民主义视角探讨了英国女性外阴残割保护问题。基于对英国有关 “女性外阴残割 ”的法律和政策发展的分析，以及与居住在布里斯托尔的索马里裔人进行的焦点小组讨论所收集的数据，我们认为，当前的立法和政策及其实施，都沉浸在殖民主义的 “他者化 ”中。我们表明，立法和政策方法是通过性别和代际二元对立来运作的，在这种二元对立中，非白人母亲被视为移民（无论其公民身份如何），不合时宜的文化被视为对她们起决定性作用，而她们的女儿则被视为英国人。在这一结构中，“切割女性生殖器 ”作为一种象征性标记，代表着不属于/归属感：未受割礼的女孩是可以拯救的，并被宣称为 “我们中的一员”，而受割礼的母亲则被认为是一个残缺不全的政治主体，其归属感被剥夺。

Abstract

This paper explores FGM-safeguarding in the UK through a decolonial lens. Based on an analysis of the development of law and policy relating to ‘Female Genital Mutilation’ in the UK alongside data collected in focus groups with people of ethnic Somali heritage living in Bristol, we argue that the current legislation and policies, as well as their delivery, are steeped in colonial Othering. We demonstrate that legislative and policy approaches operate through a gendered and generational binary in which non-White mothers are othered as migrants (regardless of citizenship status) for whom anachronistic culture is deemed determinative, whilst their daughters are claimed as British. In this construction, ‘FGM’ operates as the symbolic marker that designates un/belonging: the uncircumcised girl is rescuable and claimed as ‘one of us’, whilst the circumcised mother is considered a mutilated political subject for whom belonging is foreclosed.

Matthew P. Unger

摘要：本文旨在探讨殖民扩张主义时期和不列颠哥伦比亚省邦联初期的法律氛围。通过描述法律殖民主义的戏剧性和表演性方面，这一时期的档案文件代表了有趣的、但往往被忽视的意义，对感官和情感体验的关注捕捉到了这些意义。通过研究这种殖民环境下的 “情感氛围”，可以发现殖民政权以非理性、非法律的方式施加影响的方式。此外，从地形的物质条件中可以看出，环境不仅是上演法律扩张主义的背景，也是殖民法律安排发展的构成力量。与此同时，殖民政权在宣扬英国法律的普遍性、客观性和优越性的神话时，却忘记了法律的这些相同的背景、地形和大气起源。

Abstract

This paper is concerned with exploring legal atmospheres during colonial expansionism and the early period of confederation of British Columbia. By describing the theatrical and performative aspects of legal colonialism, the archival documents from this time represent interesting, yet oft-overlooked, significances that attention to sensory and affective experiences captures. Examining “affective atmospheres” disclosed in such colonial settings reveals ways that the colonial regime promulgated its influence in non-rational, non-legal manners. As well, drawing out the material conditions of topography shows how the environment acts more than just a backdrop for the staging of legal expansionism, as it acts also as a constitutive force in the development of colonial legal arrangements. At the same time, the colonial regime was forgetful of these same contextual, topographical, and atmospheric origins of law insofar as it promulgated myths of the universality, objectivity, and superiority of English law.

Vanessa E. Munro, Vanessa Bettinson, and Mandy Burton

摘要

法律在承认家庭虐待所造成的伤害方面取得了长足进步。在英格兰和威尔士，《2015 年重罪法》以及在苏格兰，《2018 年家庭虐待（苏格兰）法》支持人们更全面地了解虐待的动态，以及胁迫和控制被用来巩固和取代施暴者暴力的手段。在本文中，我们将探讨这些罪行的引入在其他情况下意味着什么。在这些情况下，会出现有关虐待对受害者代理权的影响的问题：具体而言，当受害者犯下可能是受虐待行为所迫的罪行，或在可能表明施暴者负有自杀责任的情况下结束自己的生命时。通过对两个司法管辖区的专业人士进行访谈，我们特别强调了对胁迫性控制影响的认识的不稳定性，以及对何时和为何背景重要进行更复杂讨论的必要性。

Abstract

Significant strides have been made in the law's recognition of harms arising from domestic abuse. In England and Wales, the Serious Crimes Act 2015, and in Scotland, the Domestic Abuse (Scotland) Act 2018, have supported a more holistic understanding of the dynamics of abuse and the means by which coercion and control are deployed to cement and supplant perpetrators’ violence. In this article, we explore what the introduction of these offences means in other situations where questions regarding the impact of abuse upon victims’ agency arise: specifically, where victims commit an offence that might have been compelled by abusive behaviour or take their own lives in contexts that might indicate perpetrators’ liability for suicide. In particular, drawing on interviews with professionals across both jurisdictions, we highlight the precarity of recognition of the effects of coercive control and the need to engage in more complicated discussions about when and why context matters.

Caitlin Nash, Rachel Dioso-Villa, and Louise Porter

摘要：虽然大多数刑事案件都是通过认罪解决的，但很少有实证研究对认罪误判进行研究。本研究通过对澳大利亚昆士兰州的 27 名法律专业人士（n = 16 名辩护律师；n = 7 名检察官；n = 4 名治安法官）进行半结构式访谈来探讨这一问题。在系统和组织视角的驱动下，我们进行了专题分析，探索可能系统性地导致错误认罪定罪的结构和组织特征。我们发现，人们普遍强调效率和快速解决案件的压力，而实际的限制因素又阻碍了法律专业人员确保认罪的适当性和准确性。此外，人们还普遍接受以 “选择 ”为由的虚假认罪，而 Meissner 诉 R 案（1995 年）的权威先例也使这种做法合法化。研究结果表明了错误认罪定罪的常规性质，并对当前认罪的有效性产生了重要影响，因为认罪并不总是反映实际罪行。

Abstract

While most criminal cases are resolved by a guilty plea, little empirical research has examined guilty plea wrongful convictions. This study explored this issue through semistructured interviews with 27 legal professionals in Queensland, Australia (n = 16 defense lawyers; n = 7 prosecutors; n = 4 magistrates). Driven by a systems and organizational perspective, we conducted a thematic analysis exploring the structural and organizational features that may systematically contribute to erroneous guilty plea convictions. We found an overarching emphasis on efficiency and pressure to quickly resolve cases, coupled with practical constraints impeding legal professionals from ensuring guilty pleas are appropriate and accurate. There was also a general acceptance of false guilty pleas through the justification of “choice,” legitimized by the authoritative precedent set by Meissner v R (1995). The findings indicate the routine nature of erroneous guilty plea convictions and raise important implications regarding the current validity of a guilty plea, as they do not always reflect actual guilt.

Izabela Steflja  Jessica Trisko Darden  and Amanda Wintersieck View 

摘要：曾参与武装团体的个人被法律制度和社会定位为受害者-犯罪者二元对立。媒体参与了这一过程，并通过再现或挑战法律和社会定位来影响法律与社会之间的关系。我们评估了国际刑事法院（ICC）对乌干达上帝抵抗军（LRA）前儿童兵多米尼克-翁古文（Dominic Ongwen）的起诉与媒体对翁古文的报道之间的关系。我们对 2005 年 1 月至 2022 年 10 月间出版的 779 篇乌干达、非洲和国际报纸的英文文章进行了内容分析。我们发现，媒体报道的重点是翁古文在该组织中的成人角色，包括作为上帝抵抗军领导人的角色。这在很大程度上再现了国际刑事法院对被告的描述。少数文章承认昂古文的身份更为复杂，并在昂古文接受国际刑事法院审判后增加了报道频率。一个重要的派别对国际刑事法院的叙述提出了挑战，非非洲媒体对翁古文进行了更为复杂的描述。

Abstract

Individuals formerly involved in armed groups are positioned in the victim–perpetrator binary by legal systems and societies. Media participates in this process and influences the relationship between law and society by reproducing or challenging legal and social designations. We assess the relationship between the International Criminal Court's (ICC) prosecution of Dominic Ongwen, a former child soldier in Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), and media representations of Ongwen. We conduct a content analysis of 779 Ugandan, African, and international newspapers’ English-language articles published between January 2005 and October 2022. We find that media coverage focuses on Ongwen's adult roles in the group, including as an LRA leader, largely reproducing the ICC's portrayal of the accused. A minority of articles acknowledge a more complex status and increase in frequency once Ongwen's ICC trial is underway. An important faction challenges the ICC's narrative, with non-Africa-based media presenting a more complex depiction of Ongwen.