CityReads | City Makes Your Dreams Come True?

楼市   2024-09-20 21:27   中国  

516

City Makes Your Dreams Come True?


The enduring appeal of cities is at least partially supported by cognitive biases.

Cardoso, R., Meijers, E., Van Ham, M., Burger, M., & De Vos, D. (2019). Why bright city lights dazzle and illuminate: A cognitive science approach to urban promises. Urban Studies, 56(2), 452470.

Source:https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0042098018804762

Picture source: https://www.wallpaperflare.com/white-vehicle-night-artwork-futuristic-city-cyberpunk-science-fiction-wallpaper-wpo/download

Why do people go to cities? The promise of Better City, Better Life has always attracted people. Maybe it's a better job, maybe it's a better income, maybe it's a higher socio-economic status, maybe it's a better education, maybe it's a better healthcare, maybe it's a better museum/concert/talk show/musical ......, maybe it's a freer and happier life, maybe it's to meet people, different or similar, maybe it's to be seen, heard and appreciated instead of being discriminated against, or maybe it's to realize your dreams and ambitions… Cities seem to have a magic power that allows one to break away from the old environment that binds and represses one, and to truly be yourself or recreate yourself in the city. These perceptions and expectations of the advantages of the city can be called urban promise.

However, the bright lights of the city do not shine fairly on everyone. The promise of the city fails too many people. The benefits of cities are not available everywhere and for everyone. Studies have shown that the advantages of cities tend to benefit a small number of urban elites the most, while the majority of city dwellers are at least partially excluded from the socio-economic benefits of urban growth (see CityReads | Benefits of Big City largely Go to the Elite). Cities offer high rewards for the privileged and the most able, but can be a source of disillusionment for the less talented or less privileged.

Cities offer not only opportunities, but also conflict, inequality and high costs of living. However, even when the reality is not as expected, newcomers remain convinced that the city will offer them a better future. Despite the difficulties, despite the frustrations, despite the objective socio-economic consequences and the subjective experience of urban life that often compare poorly with expectations, people continue to come to cities. Why do people have such positive, enduring and possibly overestimated expectations of cities?

A 2018 paper published in Urban Studies, Why bright city lights dazzle and illuminate: a cognitive science approach to urban promises, uses relevant theories about cognitive biases from cognitive science to answer this question. The paper analyzes the process of urban migration from the perspective of decision-making under uncertainty, and explores how decisions and assessments of urban migration are based on imperfect information, and how cognitive biases and heuristics limit human rationality, thus affecting people's responses to urban promises, contributing to an understanding of how people make decisions about urban migration, and how people perceive their urban experiences and assess their life stories. The authors argue that the enduring appeal of cities is at least partially supported by cognitive biases, which could explain why many people stay in cities despite not being able to realize their dreams there.

Stories of urban economic opportunity and migrant success fuel the urban promise, but urban life also creates negative social and health impacts, the former of which are strongly highlighted and the latter of which are ignored. A study of rural-urban migration in the United Kingdom, which was the first country to experience industrialization and urbanization, from 1851 to 1881 found that migration was not motivated by famine or poverty, but rather by the expectation of improved opportunities for socio-economic mobility, thereby escaping the intergenerational transmission of rural hopelessness. Rural-urban migrants are highly selective; they are the most skilled and entrepreneurial people in the countryside, and they achieve a much higher socio-economic status after moving to cities than those who remain in the countryside. However, these successful migrants are in fact the lucky ones who survived the harsh industrial urban environment. During the 30-year period between 1851-1881, the urban mortality rate in Britain was 50 percent higher than the rural rate, life expectancy in the cities was about 10 years lower than that in the countryside, and was even worse in the large cities, which were then referred to as the graves of the rural people. Engels described the squalor of Manchester as hell upon earth. The situation was not reversed until after the 1930s.

While the quality of life in contemporary cities is much better than in early industrial cities - for example, life expectancy is higher in cities than in rural areas, and maternal mortality rates are much lower in cities than in rural areas - a number of urban problems remain: traffic congestion is worse in large cities, the risk of spreading infectious diseases is higher, housing prices are higher, living space per capita is smaller, and residents' subjective sense of well-being is lower, among other things. The history of rapid growth in many large cities shows that the urban experience is dirty, crowded and poor, but also full of opportunities. In the gap between urban expectations and urban experience lies the power of urban promise, but also the pitfalls.

The cognitive psychology of urban promise

While in many ways cities offer many benefits to their inhabitants, they also trap them in dreams and fantasies of the city. The powerful appeal of cities and their associated narratives are based not only on what cities actually offer, but also on what people think they can offer. And most decisions in life are actually based on the latter. Unsurprisingly, in complex environments, outcomes do not reflect initial expectations, but in everyday life this discrepancy is ignored. Urban promise is a striking example of just such a phenomenon, persisting over time and across geographic boundaries, and continuing to influence people's lives.

The paper analyzes how people understand and practice urban migration, even if it does not lead to the realization of their urban dreams, in terms of cognitive biases such as generalizations about individual cases, overly optimistic self-assessment bias, overconfidence in themselves and in their ability to control their environment, and rationalization of failures, respectively.

Indeed, any historical overview of the rapid growth of the largest cities suggests that they were experienced as dirty, crowded and poor, but also expected to be rich in opportunity (Williams and Donald, 2011). In this gap between the expected and the experienced lies the strength of urban promises, but also their pitfalls, as the downsides of urban life are neglected.

If migration to cities can be seen as a life-changing adventure with uncertain outcomes, then persistent migration to cities can also be explained by the law of small numbers. The law of small numbers is a cognitive bias that refers to the tendency to draw generalized conclusions based on a small amount of data. For example, an anecdote about the success of a distant acquaintance who migrated to the city may be enough to send others down the same path. Taleb points to the human survivorship bias, the tendency to choose stories of winners to inspire us to action, while ignoring the large number of losers. Narratives of urban opportunity carefully select a few success stories but it does not specify their probability of success is likely to be extremely low.

In an environment filled with positive messages about urban opportunity and personal empowerment, it is easy to reconstruct past or ongoing life stories that reflect the illusion of control over external events and recognize the causal relationships that confirm the forces of nature that make cities better places to live. As a result, forces from the opportunity structure of urban space are exaggerated and assumed to be within our power to control, while inequalities in individual skills and social security, or the element of luck, are ignored.

The tendency of the majority of people to perceive themselves as having better qualities and future prospects than the majority of the population is known as the better-than-average effect. A study of the gap between actual and perceived upward economic mobility in terms of employment and material well-being in 26 OECD countries found that individuals' perceived mobility was higher than actual mobility. Most people perceive that their lives have improved over time, but perceive that the average person's life has not. Upward urban mobility may only be open to some, but everyone tends to believe that it will include or has included them. People are correct in their perception that cities offer unparalleled opportunities, but poor perceptions of risk, overconfidence, and the illusion of control may blind them to the relentless competition and injustice embedded in them.

Cognitive biases strongly influence the expectations and decisions of individuals who move to cities. But why do people stay even in the face of negative experiences and failed expectations? The costs of failure are difficult to measure because they are often rationalized in a self-delusional way to protect self-esteem and motivate us to try again. This cognitive bias is known as the sunk cost fallacy, or escalation of commitment.

Conclusion

The urban promise has fired the imagination of generations of hopeful migrants, who have tended to exaggerate the potential benefits of cities while ignoring their shortcomings. This tendency has been seen throughout history and in different cultural contexts, so that the urban promise is deeply rooted in the human psyche.

Why do people continue to have strong and positive expectations of cities even in the face of uncertain difficulties, conflicting facts and negative experiences? The paper borrows the theoretical framework of cognitive bias and heuristics proposed by Daniel Kahneman to analyze urban migration as a form of decision-making under uncertainty and to explore the psychological mechanisms that influence how people understand and response urban promise.

The paper concludes that cognitive biases provide clues for exploring urban problems: (1) poor perceptions of risk (the law of small numbers) explain the exaggerated value of individual urban migration stories; (2) the illusion of control provides fertile ground for narratives of urban triumphalism and beliefs in the power of the city; and (3) overly optimistic self-appraisals induce individual beliefs in upward urban mobility, ignoring inherent injustices and competitive institutions and causes us to incorrectly assess individual success; and (4) the escalation of commitment is one of the reasons why cities are able to retain groups that fail to enjoy the benefits of the city. These cognitive biases play a prominent role in how people anticipate and perceive urban life.

CityQuotes

1." And by the way, the man who told

That Londons streets were paved with gold

Was telling dreadful porky-pies".

(Thats cockney rhyming slang for lies.)

The cat went on, "To me it seems

These streets are paved with rotten dreams.

Come home, my boy, without more fuss.

This lousy towns no place for us."

Roald Dahl, Dick Whittington and His Cat, 1989

2."…cities nurtured the potential for individuals to cooperate, specialize and invent at scale. Without those powers, Homo sapiens never would have been able to escape from its perilous state of subsistence."

——Ian Goldin & Tom Lee-Devlin, Age of the City: Why our Future will be Won or Lost Together


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