Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。“论文快递”栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！
本期为“论文快递”栏目的第二百五十四期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First中最新发表的五篇论文。主题包括深圳移民的地域认同，混合收入社区更新对低收入年轻人的影响，政府领导小组在中国城市治理中的作用，青年与公共空间绅士化，以及城市贫民窟公共品的分配与政治。欢迎阅读。
‘Once you come, you are a Shenzhener’? Multifaceted and variegated sense of place among migrants in Shenzhen
“来了就是深圳人？”深圳移民地域感的多面性和多样性
To what extent is contemporary Chinese urbanism cohesive and integrative? This study delves into the multifaceted and variegated nature of sense of place among internal migrants in Chinese cities, with a focus on Shenzhen, a city at the forefront of policy experimentation and a quintessential immigrant city. The findings reveal different levels of sense of belonging/attachment, local identity and sense of home among natives, hukou migrants and non-hukou migrants. The sense of belonging/attachment is mainly influenced by the relational factor, while local identity is predominantly determined by the legal factor, and sense of home is primarily influenced by the economic factor. Meanwhile, hukou migrants place greater importance on the relational factor, while non-hukou migrants emphasise the economic factor. Furthermore, the research identifies five types of sense of place among migrants based on different configurations of belonging/attachment, local identity and sense of home. This study sheds light on the complexity of sense of place and the nuances of belonging, attachment, identity and home in contemporary Chinese urbanism.
当代中国城市化在多大程度上具有凝聚力和整合性？本文深入探讨中国城市中国内移民地域感的多面性和多样性，重点关注深圳这个政策试验的前沿城市和典型的移民城市。研究结果显示，本地人、有户口移民和无户口移民的归属感/依恋感、地方认同感和家的感觉程度不同。归属感/依恋感主要受关系因素的影响，地方认同感主要受法律因素的影响，而家的感觉主要受经济因素的影响。其中，有户口移民更看重关系因素，无户口移民则更看重经济因素。此外，本文根据归属感/依恋感、地方认同感和家的感觉的不同配置，确定了移民的五种地域感。本文揭示了当代中国城市化中地域感的复杂性以及归属感、依恋感、身份认同和家的感觉的细微差别。
attachment, belonging, home, hukou, identity, sense of place
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241247561Why mixed communities regeneration fails to improve the lives of low-income young people
为什么混合社区更新未能改善低收入年轻人的生活
The demolition and replacement of social housing with mixed income communities is thought to mitigate the harmful effects of growing up in geographical concentrations of poverty and improve the life chances of low-income populations. However, there is little evidence on how young people are impacted by mixed communities regeneration prevalent in many cities across the Western world. This paper examines the mechanisms through which the capabilities of low-income young people are influenced by transforming their social housing estate into a mixed income community. It draws on participatory research with teenagers and adult stakeholders in a London mixed income neighbourhood. The findings suggest that mixed communities regeneration perpetuates the social injustices that young people from disadvantaged backgrounds experience in the city. The paper identifies and unpacks the mechanisms of stigmatisation, exclusion, social inequalities, community fragmentation and marginalisation of youth voices implicated in these injustices. These mechanisms constrain many of the capabilities young people value including their ability to benefit from their neighbourhood’s regeneration.人们认为，拆除社会住房并用混合收入社区取而代之，可以减轻在贫困集中地区成长所带来的有害影响，并改善低收入人群的生活机会。然而，几乎没有证据表明年轻人如何受到在西方世界许多城市普遍存在的混合社区更新的影响。基于对伦敦混合收入街区的青少年和成年利益相关者进行的参与性研究，本文探讨了将低收入青年的社会住房改造为混合收入社区对低收入青年的能力产生影响的机制。研究结果表明，混合社区的更新延续了来自弱势背景的年轻人在城市中遭遇的社会不公。本文识别并揭示了这些不公正现象中涉及的污名化、排斥、社会不平等、社区分裂和青年声音边缘化等情形的产生机制。这些机制限制了年轻人重视的许多能力，包括他们从街区更新中受益的能力。
mixed communities, neighbourhood effects, social mix, urban regeneration, young people
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241248965Local state leadership: State-leading groups in governing urban China
领导地方政府：政府领导小组在中国城市治理中的作用
Hong’ou Zhang（广东省科学院广州地理研究所）This article examines the urban development strategies and pro-growth politics in China from a local state leadership perspective, focusing on the power dynamics within the local state leadership under China’s fragmented authoritarian system. The state-leading group is an innovative governance technique intentionally designed to overcome the institutional flaws of ‘tiao-kuai segmentation’. It plays a critical role in fostering a common vision of ‘growth promotion’, aligning goals and unifying actions in the administrative system, broadening social consensus and promoting public–private partnerships. This study improves upon the understanding of the micro-mechanisms of state-led urban development within China’s fragmented authoritarian regime by exploring the heterogeneity of state actors as well as the agency of key local political actors (groups) in aligning goals and interests within and beyond the state and their political rationalities. By highlighting the conflicts and negotiations that exist within the state, the debate on state-led urban development and pro-growth politics is extended using China as an example.本文从地方政府领导的视角考察中国的城市发展战略和促增长政治，重点关注中国碎片化威权体制下地方政府领导层的权力动态。政府领导小组是一种创新的治理技术，旨在克服“条块分割”的制度缺陷。政府领导小组在形成“促进增长”的共同愿景、协调行政体系内的目标和统一行动、扩大社会共识、促进政府和社会资本合作方面发挥着至关重要的作用。本文通过探索政府行为者的异质性以及主要地方政治行为者（团体）在协调政府内外目标和利益方面的作用及其政治合理性，加深对中国碎片化威权体制下政府主导的城市发展的微观机制的理解。本文以中国为例，强调政府内部存在的冲突和协商，从而延伸了关于政府主导的城市发展和促增长政治的讨论。
China, fragmented authoritarianism, innovative governance technique, local state leadership, pro-growth conflicts中国、碎片化威权主义、创新治理技术、地方政府领导、促增长的冲突
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241247787Places to be young: The dispossession of public space in Old Havana
属于青年的场所：哈瓦那旧城公共空间的剥夺
Joanna Kocsis（英国纽卡斯尔大学）
首次出版时间：2024/05/28｜研究论文
Abstract
The touristification of Old Havana is resulting in unique patterns of gentrification that rely on a new spatial imaginary, the enforcement of which is resulting in the loss of places for residents to be young. The Cuban state’s preservation of significant proportions of social housing as part of its investments in the heritage tourism industry is disrupting common housing-led displacement in the city. The neighbourhood’s economic transition is concentrated instead in public spaces, as squares and streets are taken over by new tourist-serving businesses. This process of enclosure dispossesses locals of both public and private leisure spaces, as the cost of consumption in said businesses is beyond the purchasing power afforded by Cuban salaries. The dispossession of public space is particularly problematic for local youth who, given the persistence and pervasiveness of Havana’s housing crisis, spend the majority of their free time in streets and squares. This displacement of youth reinforces existing patterns of exclusion and discrimination along lines of race, class and gender. Given the particular value of public space for youth development in communities like Old Havana, this article documents the three main processes through which young people are being displaced from or dispossessed of urban public space in their neighbourhood, enclosure, sanitisation and temporary appropriation, and discusses the impacts on young peoples’ place-related identity.
哈瓦那旧城的旅游化导致依赖于新空间想象的独特绅士化模式的出现，而这种模式的实施造成了许多年轻人失去居住的地方。古巴政府保留了大量社会住房作为其对遗产旅游业的投资， 此举正改变哈瓦那旧城因住房问题而导致的普遍流离失所现象。随着广场和街道被新的旅游服务业态所占据，街区的经济转型转而开始集中于公共空间。这种圈地过程剥夺了当地人的公共和私人休闲空间，因为上述业态的消费成本超出了古巴工资所能承受的购买力。公共空间的丧失对当地青年来说尤其成问题，这是由于在哈瓦那住房危机持续和普遍存在的前提下，当地青年大部分的空闲时间都花在街道和广场上。青年人的流离失所进一步强化了现存的种族、阶级和性别方面的排斥和歧视。鉴于公共空间对于像哈瓦那旧城这样的社区中的年轻人发展具有特殊的价值，本文记录了年轻人被迫离开或被剥夺其街区内城市公共空间的三个主要过程：封闭、卫生化和临时占用，并讨论了这些过程对年轻人与地点相关身份的影响。
displacement, heritage tourism, post-socialist Cuba, touristification, youth流离失所、遗产旅游、后社会主义古巴、旅游化、青年
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241249421Targeting the centre and (least) poor: Evidence from urban Lahore, Pakistan
偏向城市中心与（最不贫困的）贫困人口：来自巴基斯坦拉合尔的证据
Hadia Majid（巴基斯坦拉合尔管理科学大学）Mahvish Shami（英国伦敦政治经济学院）Using the case of Pakistan, this article explores the distribution and politics of public goods provision in urban slums. Across slums, we find that public goods are mainly provided to households located in central slums rather than those in the urban periphery. Within slums, we find politicians target spending towards wealthy households but do not go through brokers, unlike the more-studied case of India. Overall, the article shows how electoral incentives in Pakistan are biased against programmatic public goods provision for the urban poor. Our results then point to variation in patronage politics among slums in the Global South.摘要
本文以巴基斯坦为例，探讨了城市贫民窟公共品供给的分配与政治。我们发现公共品主要提供给位于城市中心的，而不是城市边缘的贫民窟的家庭。我们还发现政客们往往把支出针对性用于贫民窟中的富裕家庭，但不通过中间人，这与研究更多的印度案例不同。总体而言，本文阐释了巴基斯坦的选举激励措施如何不利于按计划为城市贫民提供公共品。我们的研究结果指出了全球南方贫民窟中恩惠政治的差异。
clientelism, Katchi Abadis, Lahore, Pakistan, political targeting, public goods, slums裙带主义、棚屋区、拉合尔、巴基斯坦、政治针对性、公共品、贫民窟
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241249421微信号｜USJ_online
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