Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。“论文快递”栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！
本期为“论文快递”栏目的第二百五十七期，将介绍近期正式发表期刊中的五篇论文。主题包括通过“政治”概念重新构想希望，城市住房运动联盟，后工业城市社会阶层结构的变化趋势，性别化的行动主义，以及城市区域发展的不平衡性。欢迎阅读。
Reimagining hope through the political: A post-foundational reading of urban alternatives beyond postpolitics
通过政治重新想象希望：超越后政治的城市替代方案的后基础解读
Friederike Landau-Donnelly（荷兰拉德堡德大学）This paper proposes hope as a lens for critical urban research for the purpose of grasping the interplay between forces of change and stability as manifested in popular uprisings, as well as in broader, self-organised spatial practices in everyday life. This hopeful lens allows for reimagining hope through the concept of ‘the political’, defined in the post-foundationalist literature as an ontological condition assuming the inherent impossibility for ‘politics’ to reach its final closure, fixation or stability. The hopes thus arising from ‘the political’ provide critical urban scholars with better tools to navigate the ever-present possibilities for emancipatory change and action, arising from an ontological lack of foundations, upon which political orders are temporarily based. In this paper, we show how theoretical notions from post-foundationalism can expand the current sense of hope by instilling a non-teleological view on inherent possibilities for matters to be otherwise, thus implying the absence of certainty about presupposed ideas of what genuine political change should look like. Through this lens, hope appears linked to concrete openings for alternatives found in everyday life. By laying out such a hopeful approach, we aim to expand the awareness of urban ‘scholars’ to ponder both mundane and radical materialisations and practices of ‘the political’ within urban settings. Ultimately, by reimagining hope to look beyond or alongside postpolitics, we unlock a future-oriented research agenda that adds nuance to an ontologically restricted conception of ‘politics’, which allows for broader empirical attunement to ever-present embodied signs of unfinished urban alternatives generated by ‘the political’.
本文提出把希望作为批判性城市研究的一个视角，旨在理解民众起义以及在日常生活中更广泛的自组织空间实践所体现的变革力量与稳定力量之间的相互作用。这种充满希望的视角考虑到通过“政治”概念重新构想希望，“政治”在后基础主义文献中被定义为一种本体论条件，假设“政治”本质上不可能终结、固定或稳定。因此，源自“政治”的希望为进行批判性城市研究的研究者提供了更好的工具，使他们能够用其来研究不断出现的解放性变革和行动的可能性，这些可能性是由于从本体论上看缺乏基础而产生的，而政治秩序是暂时建立在相关基础上的。本文展示了后基础主义的理论概念如何通过灌输一种“事情本来就有发生其他变化的内在可能性”的非目的论观点来扩大当前的希望感，从而意味着对“真正的政治变革应该是什么样子”的预设想法缺乏确定性。从这个角度来看，希望似乎与日常生活中找到的替代方案的具体机会联系在一起。我们提出这样一种充满希望的方法，旨在提高城市研究者的意识，促使其思考城市环境中“政治”寻常和激进的具体化和实践。最终，通过重新构想超越后政治或与后政治并存的希望，我们开启了一个面向未来的研究议程，该议程为本体论上受限的“政治”概念增添了细微差别，从而可以实现更广泛的经验适应，以适应“政治”产生的未完成城市替代方案不断出现的具体迹象。
hope, everyday life, the political, post-foundationalism, postpolitics
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231213733Housing movement coalitions in the United States: Trends from big networks among urban civil society leaders
美国的住房运动联盟：城市公民社会领袖大型网络的趋势
Andrew Messamore（美国德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校）Coalitions of formal housing, civil rights and anti-poverty organisations play an important role in urban housing movements. However, the extent and dynamics of these ‘housing movement coalitions’ are not well understood. In this article, I document the geography of housing movement coalitions across 148 US cities using leadership networks among 11.8 million civic leaders. I show that cohesive coalitions of formal housing, civil rights and anti-poverty leaders exist in a wide range of US cities, including in conservative states. In terms of change, housing coalitions have only grown in a handful of politically liberal cities since the global financial crisis, and most housing coalitions have stagnated and some have declined. Finally, change score regression models indicate that economic insecurity is associated with housing coalition emergence, but municipal austerity and hostile political environmets may weaken the opportunities for coalitions to expand. These findings suggest movement scholars should widen their focus to include housing coalitions in more diverse contexts, and more closely examine how municipal funding shapes housing coalitions and their relationship to grassroots activism.正规住房组织、民权组织和反贫困组织的联盟在城市住房运动中发挥着重要作用。然而，这些“住房运动联盟”的结盟范围和动态尚不清楚。本文利用 1,180 万公民领袖的领导网络记录了美国 148 个城市住房运动联盟的地理分布。本文表明，正规住房、民权和反贫困领导人的紧密联盟存在于美国的许多城市，包括一些保守的州。就变化而言，自全球金融危机以来，住房联盟仅在少数政治自由的城市中有所增长，大多数住房联盟停滞不前，有些甚至有所衰退。最后，变化分数回归模型表明，经济不安全与住房联盟的出现有关，但市政紧缩和不利的政治环境可能会削弱联盟扩张的机会。这些发现表明，研究相关运动的研究者应该扩大关注范围，将住房联盟纳入更多样化的背景进行考虑，并且更细致地考查市政资金如何影响住房联盟及其与草根行动的关系。
community, housing, networks, North America, politics
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231213204The changing social class structure of London, 2001–2021: Continued professionalisation or asymmetric polarisation?
变化中的伦敦社会阶层结构，2001-2021：持续的专业化还是不对称的两极分化？
The changing class structure of cities has been a topic of considerable importance and debate for over a 150 years, since the industrial revolution created a large industrial proletariat in many western cities. But the rise of post-industrial society, the decline of the manufacturing industry, a shrinking industrial working class, and the growth of the professional and managerial class from the 1970s onwards has provoked fresh debate about this, as has the emergence of gentrification in many cities. This paper looks at the changing social class structure of London from 2001 to 2021 using data from the population Census. It shows that the higher professional and managerial class continued its long term growth after a pause in 2001–2011. But the number and proportions of small employers, the self-employed and routine workers have also grown. There is therefore continuing professionalisation but also ‘asymmetric polarisation’. The paper also examines the geography of social class change by borough over the period and shows that while the professional and managerial class grew in all boroughs, suggesting a gradual upward class change across London, it was highest in the most gentrified inner London boroughs. However, the percentage point growth of the self-employed and routine groups was generally higher in the mostly suburban boroughs where professional and managerial class percentage point change growth was smallest (and vice versa) which suggests an intensified social class sorting and divergence across London with the lower class groups growing most rapidly in suburban outer London where housing costs are less.自从工业革命在许多西方城市创造了庞大的工业无产阶级以来，150 多年来，城市阶层结构的变化一直是一个相当重要的话题， 也是一个争论颇多的话题。但自二十世纪七十年代以来，后工业社会的崛起、制造业的衰落、工业工人阶级的萎缩以及专业人士和管理阶层的增长导致绅士化在许多城市出现，重新引发了关于这一问题的争论。本文利用人口普查数据探讨了 2001 年至 2021 年伦敦社会阶层结构的变化。本文的研究表明，处于较高层级的专业人士和管理阶层长期持续增长，仅在 2001 年至 2011 年期间暂停过增长。但小型雇主、个体经营者和普通工人的数量和比例也有所增加。因此，专业化持续存在，但也存在“不对称两极分化”。本文还考查了这一时期各个行政区社会阶层变化的情况，并表明，虽然所有行政区的专业人士和管理阶层都在增长，表明整个伦敦呈现出一种逐渐向上的阶层变化，但在绅士化程度最高的伦敦内城的行政区，这种增长最快。然而，在大多数专业人士和管理阶层的百分比增长最小的郊区行政区中，个体经营者和常规群体的百分比增长普遍较高， （反之亦然），这表明整个伦敦的社会阶层分类和分化加剧，较低阶层群体在住房成本较低的伦敦外城郊区增长最快。
class, displacement/gentrification, diversity/cohesion/segregation, London, social polarisation阶层、流离失所/绅士化、多样性/凝聚力/隔离、伦敦、社会两极分化
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231213280‘Volviendo a Vivir’ (coming back to life): Urban trauma, activism and building emancipatory futures
“Volviendo a Vivir”（复活）：城市创伤、行动主义和建设解放的未来
Sonja Marzi（英国格拉斯哥大学）
首次出版时间：2023/12/15｜研究论文
Abstract
This paper engages recent writing on urban trauma, exploring its connection with the gendered forms of activism that displaced women practise as they seek to rebuild more emancipatory urban futures. Their activisms are situated in the context of multiple, ongoing and intersecting forms of violence from intimates, armed groups and the state, including institutional neglect (in and of the city) that is racialised and gendered. We draw on participatory action research undertaken with women in the Colombian cities of Bogotá and Medellín. Using creative audio-visual methods over several months, women co-researchers produced a documentary in which they chart the ways that they claim spaces of the city inside and outside their homes. We draw particular attention here to the temporal dimension of urban trauma as it intersects with migrant women’s spatial biographies; this has consequences for their activisms which also transcend the sites and scales of public and private spheres, national and global crises and individual and community responses. We argue that it is the gradually accruing and multiplying character of violence and trauma which in turn necessitates the gradual and multiscalar development of these activisms. The women used ecological metaphors of rooting and growth to explain how, through these activisms and directly informed by past traumatic events, they ‘come back to life’. Together, they build solidarity networks and alliances, and imagine and practise alternative feminist urban futures and modes of recovery in their new urban homes.
本文研究最近关于城市创伤的文章，探讨其与性别化的行动主义形式的联系，这些行动主义形式是流离失所的妇女在寻求重建更加解放的城市未来时所实践的。她们的行动主义是在来自亲密关系、武装团体和国家的多重、持续和交叉形式的暴力的背景下开展的，包括种族化和性别化的制度性忽视（城市内的和城市的）。我们借鉴了针对哥伦比亚波哥大和麦德林市妇女开展的参与性行动研究。女性联合研究人员在几个月内使用创造性的视听方法制作了一部纪录片，其中描绘了她们在家庭内外占据城市空间的方式。我们在此特别关注城市创伤的时间维度，因为它与移民妇女的空间传记相交叉；这对她们的行动主义产生了影响，这种行动主义也超越了公共和私人领域、国家和全球危机以及个人和社区反应的场所和规模。我们认为，暴力和创伤的逐渐累积和倍增的特征反过来又需要这些行动主义的逐步和多尺度发展。这些女性使用扎根和成长的生态隐喻来解释她们如何通过这些行动、并直接从过去的创伤事件中“复活”。她们共同建立团结网络和联盟，并在新的城市家园中想象和实践另类女权主义城市未来和恢复模式。
activism, conflict, displacement, gender, urban trauma, violence行动主义/行动、冲突、流离失所、性别、城市创伤、暴力https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231213730Deconstructing the urban viewpoint: Exploring uneven regional development with Nancy Fraser’s notion of justice
解构城市视角：基于南希·弗雷泽的正义观探讨区域发展不平衡
Kristina Grange（瑞典查尔姆斯理工大学）Nils Björling（瑞典查尔姆斯理工大学）Julia Fredriksson（瑞典查尔姆斯理工大学）Uneven regional development fomented by city-centric growth agendas generates significant challenges for regional peripheries. Placing regional margins and other plural geographies at the centre, in this article we apply a normative framework based on justice theory to uncover the dominance of urban viewpoints in urban regional development policy. Departing from Nancy Fraser’s three-dimensional justice theory, we provide a deconstruction of city-centrism by illustrating how regional disparities in two regions in Sweden are not only reproduced by economic maldistribution but also by political misrepresentation and cultural misrecognition. By doing so, we illustrate the fruitfulness of applying a normative justice framework to create a broader understanding of factors that contribute to the political production of uneven regional development and need to be addressed if a transformative and progressive change is to occur.摘要
以城市为中心的发展议程所引发的区域发展不平衡给边缘地区带来了重大挑战。本文以区域边缘和其他多元地理为中心，运用基于正义理论的规范框架来揭示城市视角在城市区域发展政策中的主导地位。从南希·弗雷泽 (Nancy Fraser) 的三维正义理论出发，我们通过证明不仅经济分配不均，而且政治歪曲和文化误认也是瑞典两个地区的差异得以不断复制的原因，对城市中心主义进行了解构。藉此，我们展示了应用规范性正义框架的成效：这一框架能使我们更广泛地理解导致区域发展不平衡的政治生产的因素；如果要发生变革性和进步性的变化，就需要解决这些因素。
Fraser, justice, misframing, recognition, redistribution, representation, Sweden, uneven regional development, urban viewpoint弗雷泽（Fraser）、正义、错误框架、认识、再分配、代表性、瑞典、区域发展不平衡、城市视角
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231214502微信号｜USJ_online
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