Urban Studies 每年投稿量为1000多篇，每年发表16期，共180篇论文左右。由于稿件量大，文章从接收到正式出版周期较长，因此编辑部会在稿件接收排版后的第一时间在网上发布论文全文 (Online First) 。“论文快递”栏目将同步推出网上刊登的最新论文，方便读者了解Urban Studies的最新动态，敬请关注！
本期为“论文快递”栏目的第二百五十六期，将介绍Urban Studies Online First中的两篇论文，和近期正式发表期刊中的三篇论文。主题包括非正规住区中的习惯土地制度，公民社会与威权新自由主义的分歧，保守政治环境中的可持续性转型，私人城市的社会和环境正义，以及种族如何影响对社区绅士化的感知。欢迎阅读。
Customary land management systems and urban planning in peri-urban informal settlements
城郊非正规住区中的习惯土地管理制度和城市规划
Customary land management systems are informal, community-driven land-use regulation systems that adapt zoning regulations and customary tenure to cooperatively self-regulate land-use management in multi-ethnic peri-urban settlements. The research uses an integrative literature review to critically re-evaluate the various concepts and practices of customary land management, their impact on the unique morphology of peri-urban areas and their relationship with urban planning. The research results indicate that customary land management systems are intrinsically linked to peri-urban settlements due to their polymorphic spatial structure and complex social groupings. It provides a simplified accessible and affordable land management system with multiple avenues for agency and a balance of power between different authorities. This generates a new set of social relations around neo-customary tenure. Customary land management systems are also linked to urban planning within a dual regulatory structure, combining formal policies and informal customs and providing alternatives for exploitative and exclusionary processes in weak and inefficient states.
习惯土地管理制度是非正规的、社区驱动的土地使用监管制度，这种制度表现为灵活适应分区规划法规和习惯保有权，并以合作的方式自我调节多民族城郊住区的土地使用管理。本文采用综合文献综述来批判性地重新评估习惯土地管理的各种概念和实践、其对城郊地区独特城市形态的影响及其与城市规划的关系。研究结果表明，习惯土地管理制度与城郊住区间存在内在联系，这是由于城郊住区有着多态空间结构和复杂的社会群体。本文提出了一个简化的、可行且可负担的土地管理制度，具有多种可发挥能动性的途径，并实现了不同当局之间的权力平衡。该制度围绕新习惯保有权，产生了一套新的社会关系。习惯土地管理制度也与双重监管结构下的城市规划有关，它将正规政策和非正规习俗结合起来，为弱小和低效国家的剥削性和排斥性做法提供了替代方案。
customary land management systems, informality, peri-urban settlements, urban planning
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241253790Housing the historical bloc: Civil society contestation of authoritarian neoliberalism in England
容纳“历史集团”：英国公民社会对威权新自由主义的质疑
Neoliberalisation, particularly since the financial crisis, has been associated with significant housing crises. Rising prices and rents have benefitted asset owners, whilst squeezing younger generations out of the ‘property owning democracy’. As the tensions between these two groups grow, states are seeking further reforms to urban planning to deliver greater levels of private house-building, as a policy fix which also serves the interests of capital. To deliver further neoliberal reforms, though, states are increasingly turning towards more authoritarian practices to manage growing dissent to neoliberal rule. Drawing on Gramsci and theoretical insights from the major crises of the 1970s, this paper analyses how authoritarian practices, statist and populist, are derived from the administrative and legitimation crises that followed the financial crash of 2007/8. It focuses on a particular administrative crisis – housing in England – to show how increasingly coercive urban planning practices were advocated for at national level, which in turn revealed tensions within the ‘historical bloc’ of the neoliberal order. In the English case the government has struggled to cohere the consent of capital and civil society, with key class fractions of the historical bloc divided over planning reform. I argue that the contestations have nonetheless shifted political common sense towards reducing deliberative and democratic practices, shifting accountability from those with structural power to those with much more marginal power.新自由主义化与重大的住房危机有关，且自金融危机以来尤其显著。不断上涨的房价和租金让资产所有者受益，却将年轻一代排除在了“财产所有制民主”之外。随着这两个人群之间的紧张关系加剧，各国正在寻求通过城市规划的进一步改革，提高私人住宅建设水平，而这一政策修正也符合资本的利益。同时，为了进一步推行新自由主义改革，各国越来越多地转而采取更加专制的做法，以管理对新自由主义统治日益增长的不满。本文借鉴葛兰西 (Gramsci) 的理论以及关于20世纪70年代的重大危机的理论见解，分析了国家主义和民粹主义的威权主义做法如何诞生于2007-2008年金融危机后的行政危机和合法化危机。本文重点关注一场特殊的行政危机——英格兰的住房——以展示国家层面如何提倡越来越强迫性的城市规划实践，这反过来又揭示了新自由主义秩序“历史集团”内部的紧张关系。在英国，政府一直在努力争取资本和公民社会的一致意见，而历史集团中的关键阶级派别在规划改革上存在分歧。尽管如此，本文认为，争议已经从政治常识转向减少协商和民主实践，从对那些拥有结构性权力者的问责，转向对那些更边缘权力者问责。
housing, neoliberalism, populism, urban planning
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980241254925Differentiated grassroots: Navigating sustainability transitions in conservative political contexts
草根的分野：在保守的政治环境中指引可持续性转型
Uneven subnational energy policy and regulatory geographies in the United States are a widely recognised reality, resulting from the absence of a concerted federal effort towards climate change and sustainable energy development. Against this backdrop, the rise of citizen-led energy transitions or Grassroots Energy Communities (GECs) in liberal and conservative states signals an opportunity for fostering a common ground for climate action, only to be undermined by questions concerning their touted countervailing potential against the mainstream energy system. With particular reference to conservative political contexts, this article presents a comparative case study of Grassroots Energy Communities arising amidst uneven socio-spatial circumstances. By interrogating lived experiences and situated socio-material practices, the article offers interesting theoretical, practical and policy insights. By explicating the materiality of technical devices, purposively rendered meaningful in context and politicised towards particular political and economic ends, the study shows how socio-material processes not only help forge strategic alliances between potentially antagonistic stakeholders but also lead to the obfuscation of power differentials. From a policy perspective, this study shows how conservative ideology – despite hyper-nationalist invocations – subjects local citizen-led efforts to the vicissitudes of global capital by selectively justifying state support to facilitate its circulation.由于联邦政府在应对气候变化和可持续能源发展方面缺乏协调一致的努力，美国地方能源政策和监管的地域不平衡是一个广泛公认的现实。在此背景下，公民主导的能源转型或草根能源社区（GEC）在蓝州和红州同时兴起；这些努力标志着为气候行动建立共同基础的机会，却同时受到对它们所宣扬的抵消主流能源系统的潜力的质疑。本文特别针对保守的政治背景，对在不平衡的社会空间环境中出现的草根能源社区进行了比较案例研究。通过审视生活经验和情境化社会物质实践，本文提供了有意义的理论、实践和政策见解。通过解释技术设备的重要性（这些设备在相关背景下被有目的地赋予了意义，并为了特定的政治和经济目的而被政治化），本研究表明社会物质过程不仅有助于在潜在的敌对利益相关者之间建立战略联盟，而且还会使权力差异变得模糊。从政策角度来看，本研究表明保守主义意识形态（尽管带有极端民族主义的色彩）如何通过有选择地为国家支持促进资本流通提供合理性，使当地公民主导的努力受到全球资本变迁的影响。
community, conservatism, energy policy, infrastructure, materiality社区、保守主义、能源政策、基础设施、重要性
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231209860Analysing a private city being built from scratch through a social and environmental justice framework: A research agenda
通过社会和环境正义框架分析从零开始建设的私人城市：研究议程
Sarah Moser（加拿大麦吉尔大学）
Nufar Avni（以色列耶路撒冷希伯来大学）
首次出版时间：2023/12/15｜研究论文
Abstract
A growing body of scholarship examines new cities being built from scratch that are developed and governed by the private sector. While this scholarship explores discourse and rhetoric, economic objectives, and some social and environmental impacts of new private cities, scholars to date have not taken a social or environmental justice approach to analysing new city projects. In this article we examine Forest City, a private city project being built on artificial islands off the coast of Malaysia by one of China’s largest property development companies, and its unique governance and claims to being ‘eco’, despite the significant environmental damage it has caused. Intended as a lush and exclusive gated enclave for Chinese nationals, Forest City is a productive case study through which to consider the consequences of a private city using the frameworks of social and environmental justice. We suggest more critical research that engages with social and environmental justice is needed on the many emerging projects branded as eco-cities of the future, a troubling claim that signals a growing normalisation of mega-scale privatisation and loose or absent regulations regarding social inclusivity and environmental protection.
越来越多的学术研究探讨由私营部门开发和治理的、从零开始建设的新城市。虽然这方面的学术研究探讨了新的私有城市的话语和修辞、经济目标以及一些社会和环境影响，但迄今为止，学者们还没有从社会或环境正义的路径来分析新城市项目。在本文中，我们研究“森林城市 (Forest City)”项目，它是由中国最大的房地产开发公司之一在马来西亚海岸的人工岛群上建设的私有城市项目；森林城市拥有独特的治理和“生态”主张，尽管它已经对环境造成了严重破坏。旨在为中国公民打造一个郁郁葱葱的专属门禁飞地的森林城市是一个富有成效的案例研究，通过它，我们可以使用社会和环境正义框架来研究私有城市的后果。我们认为，我们需要对许多被标榜为“未来生态城市”的新项目进行更多社会和环境正义方面的批判性研究。这种令人不安的标榜标志着大规模私有化的日益常态化，以及社会包容性和环境保护方面监管的松散或缺乏。
environmental justice, Forest City, Malaysia, new cities, privatised urbanisation, social justice环境正义、森林城市、马来西亚、新城市、私有化城市化、社会正义
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231211814Race and perceptions of revitalisation in the ‘District of Gentrification’
种族与对“绅士化特区”振兴的看法
Michael Leo Owens（美国埃默里大学）Nyron N. Crawford（美国天普大学）Andrea Benjamin（美国俄克拉荷马大学）Ethnographies of gentrification, by using interviews, suggest individual and group sentiments about it as a form of revitalisation are heterogenous, even within neighbourhoods experiencing it. Discerning variation and changes over time in citywide sentiments about gentrification, however, is a challenge. It requires city-level survey data, especially longitudinal data, which is scarce. We use novel data from Washington Post surveys of District of Columbia (i.e. Washington, DC) residents between 2000 and 2016 to test predictions of city-level gentrification opinions, deduced from neighbourhood-based ethnographies of gentrification. We observe and emphasise how, over time, race is consistently associated with opinion divergence about gentrification, including perceptions of its inequalities and consequences. Our findings demonstrate the value of citywide surveys for extending empirical findings from neighbourhood-level ethnographies of gentrification.摘要
通过访谈对绅士化进行的民族志研究表明，个人和群体对绅士化作为一种社区振兴形式的看法是不同的，即使在经历绅士化的社区内也是如此。然而，在城市层面上认识随着时间的推移对绅士化的看法的差异和变化是一项挑战。它需要城市层面的调查数据，特别是纵向数据，而这种数据是稀缺的。我们使用《华盛顿邮报》2000年至2016年间对哥伦比亚特区（即华盛顿特区）居民进行的调查的新颖数据来测试对城市层面绅士化观点的预测，这些预测是从基于社区的绅士化民族志中推导出来的。我们观察到并强调，随着时间的推移，种族如何始终与关于绅士化的意见分歧联系在一起，包括对其不平等性和后果的看法。我们的研究结果证明了城市层面的调查对于扩展社区级别绅士化民族志实证研究结果的价值。
class, gentrification, public opinion, race, revitalisation阶级、绅士化、公众舆论、种族、振兴
https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980231211819微信号｜USJ_online
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