宪法学期刊Constitutional Political Economy 2024年第2期摘要中译

Checkmate: What was a King's worth in nineteenth-century Latin America?

棋局之困：十九世纪的拉美与国王的价值

Abstract ：I study the exogenous shock of Napoleon's invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in 1807. I argue that this event triggered different chains of events in Latin America. On the one hand, the Empire of Brazil remained under monarchical rule thanks to the exile of the royal court to Portugal's most significant colony. The continuity of the monarchical system provided legitimacy and political stability, thus minimizing violence in Brazil. On the other hand, Napoleon's capture and removal of the Spanish King created a vacuum of power resolved through violent secession and wars. I estimate the effects of removing the Spanish King using fatalities data from conflicts and applying difference-in-differences. I find that Continental Spanish America suffered 7.01 times more fatalities than its counterfactual. In addition, the Empire of Brazil was able to transfer the gains from relative peace to positive economic outcomes by outperforming Continental Spanish America in height, population growth, and income per capita.

摘要：我研究了 1807 年拿破仑入侵伊比利亚半岛的外生冲击。我认为，这一事件在拉丁美洲引发了不同方面的连锁性事件。一方面，由于王室被流放到葡萄牙最重要的殖民地，巴西帝国仍处于君主统治之下。君主制的连续性提供了合法性和政治稳定，从而最大限度地减少了巴西的暴力。另一方面，拿破仑俘虏和罢免西班牙国王造成了权力真空，后者只能通过暴力分裂和战争解决了这个问题。我使用冲突中的死亡数据并应用双重差分模型来判断罢免西班牙国王的影响。我发现西属美洲的死亡人数是其相反事实情况下的 7.01 倍。此外，巴西帝国在发展水平、人口增长和人均收入方面的表现优于西属美洲，从而能够将相对和平的收益转化为积极的经济成果。

Daniel Sánchez-Piñol Yulee，Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX, USA

Publication trends in political economy scholarship 2011–2020

2011-2020年政治经济学学术出版趋势

Abstract：Political economy occupies a unique place at the intersection of economics and political science, being an essential part of both disciplines, as well as an area that offers special insight into issues of continuing importance in public finance and policy. This article uses journal publications to rank institutions by research productivity in political economy. An incidental byproduct is a ranking of individual scholars. Ranking methodology is developed based on the established literature. Implications for the future evolution of political economy as an interdisciplinary field are suggested and discussed.

摘要：政治经济学在经济学和政治学的交叉点上占有独特的地位，是这两个学科的重要组成部分，也是一个为公共财政和政策中持续重要的问题提供特殊视角的领域。本文以文献出版计量、根据政治经济学的研究力对机构进行排名并附带学者的排名结果。排名方法是根据既定文献制定的。本文提出并讨论了政治经济学作为跨学科领域对未来发展的影响。

Robert F. Mulligan ，American Institute for Economic Research, Great Barrington, MA, USA

Ballooning bureaucracy? Stylized facts of growing administration in Swedish higher education

膨胀的官僚机构？瑞典高等教育中日益增长的行政管理的程式化事实

Abstract：All organizations need to allocate labor to production and administration. In many cases—particularly within the public sector—the optimal allocation is far from obvious. Indeed, vocal concerns have been raised about the administrative burden in several public services, not least in education. We investigate this issue using detailed registry data on all employees at Swedish universities and colleges from 2005 to 2019 and document three stylized facts. First, the group of highly educated administrators has grown rapidly, almost by a factor of seven compared with teachers and researchers. Second, the number of less-educated administrators has stayed flat. Third, the time that teachers and researchers spend on administrative tasks has been roughly constant over time. This indicates that resources have been diverted from teaching and research and raises fears of excessive administrative growth in Swedish higher education.

摘要：所有组织都需要将劳动力分配给生产和管理。在许多情况下，特别是在公共部门内部，最佳分配远非显而易见。事实上，人们对一些公共服务部门尤其是在教育部门的行政负担表示担忧。我们使用 2005 年至 2019 年瑞典大学、学院所有员工的详细注册数据来调查这个问题，得出了三个程式化的事实。首先，受过高等教育的行政人员群体增长迅速，与教师和研究人员相比，增长了近七倍。其次，受教育程度较低的行政人员数量保持不变。第三，随着时间的推移，教师和研究人员花在行政任务上的时间大致保持不变。这表明资源已经从教学和研究中转移，并引发了人们对瑞典高等教育过度行政增长的担忧。

Fredrik W. Andersson，Statistics Sweden (SCB), Örebro, Sweden；Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden

Henrik Jordahl，Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden；Research Institute of Industrial Economics (IFN), Box 55665, 102 15, Stockholm, Sweden

Anders Kärnä，Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden，Research Institute of Industrial Economics (IFN), Box 55665, 102 15, Stockholm, Sweden

Much ado about nothing: voting in sixteenth-century Republic of Genoa

庸人自扰：十六世纪热那亚共和国的投票

Abstract：When the constitution of the Republic of Genoa was rewritten in 1528, the traditional distinction between nobili and popolari was abolished and the now unified ruling class was organised into 28 groups called alberghi, which were granted equal political representation by an elaborate and bizarre voting mechanism. Using data on the composition of the Genoese nobility in 1528, we simulate the rounds of voting, nominations, and sortition of the electoral protocol to reveal how they determined the allocation of power. Our analysis shows that the constitutional reform could not succeed in bringing concord to the nobility, as the system was heavily biased towards the popolari (later renamed nobili nuovi), who could gain control over all key magistracies. We also show that the use of the alberghi for office allocation made the system less favourable to the nobili nuovi, but only marginally so. These results help explain the persistence of political instability in Genoa after the 1528 reform, and they shed light on the voting system reforms that followed.

摘要：1528 年热那亚共和国重新制宪时，贵族和平民之间的传统区分被废除，现在统一的统治阶级被组织成 28 个称为 “家族” 的团体，这些团体通过精心设计而奇特的投票机制获得平等的政治代表权。利用 1528 年热那亚贵族组成的数据，我们模拟了选举协议的投票、提名和分类，以揭示他们如何决定权力分配。我们的分析表明，宪法改革无法成功地使贵族和睦，因为该制度严重偏向于可以控制所有关键地方法官职位的平民派（后来更名为新贵族）。我们还表明，使用家族制进行职权分配使该系统对新贵族略微不利。这些结果有助于解释 1528 年改革后热那亚政治不稳定的持续存在，并揭示了随后的投票制度改革问题。

M. Cristina Molinari，Department of Economics, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, San Giobbe, Cannaregio 873, 30121, Venezia, Italy

Corruption in the MENA region - beyond uprisings

中东北非地区的腐败：起义背后的因素观察

According to Kate Gillespie, the corruption phenomenon and the Middle East are joined terms in the eye of many Westerners (Gillespie, 2006). Although corruption exists in every part of the globe in one form or another, it affects social, political, and economic aspects of life in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) more than the rest of the world. While some countries deal with formal practices of corruption such as embezzlement, fraud, extortion, bribery, and money laundering; the MENA region also suffers from informal practices (Kubbe & Varraich, 2020). These informalities exist as wasta (clientelism) or hamula (nepotism) through tribes and kinships regardless of the regime type. Considering the difference between developed and developing countries, developing countries experience both political (grand) and bureaucratic (petty) corruption whereas developed nations live with political corruption only (Bardhan, 2006). In this vein, this book makes three novel contributions to the literature on corruption. First, it categorizes fifteen MENA countries into three geographic groups to make cross-country comparisons which have been done before, but not for the assessment of corruption. Second, after categorizing the countries, it evaluates each country with ten different variables -- three political, three economic, and four developmental variables. Third, the book evaluates the corruption phenomenon before the Arab uprisings, which started in Tunisia in 2010 and spread to neighboring countries, as the triggering factor of Arab risings. To do so, it first examines Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC) countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and The United Arab Emirates, and then North African countries, consisting of Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Libya, Tunisia, and lastly Mashreq countries, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria plus Yemen. In the following sections, the book evaluates the entire region together and concludes.

根据凯特·吉莱斯皮（Kate Gillespie）的说法，腐败现象和中东在许多西方人眼中是连在一起的（Gillespie，2006）。尽管腐败以这样或那样的形式存在于全球每个地方，但它对中东和北非 （MENA） 社会、政治和经济生活方面的影响比世界其他地区更大。当一些国家存在处理贪污、欺诈、敲诈勒索、贿赂和洗钱等腐败时的典型实践时，中东和北非地区也受到非典型腐败的影响（Kubbe & Varraich，2020 年）。无论政权类型如何，这些非典型腐败通过部落和亲属关系以 wasta（附庸主义）或 hamula（裙带关系）的形式存在。考虑到发达国家和发展中国家之间的差异，发展中国家既有政治腐败（大腐败）腐败，也有官僚腐败（小腐败），而发达国家只存在政治腐败（Bardhan，2006）。本着这种精神，本书对腐败文献做出了三项新颖的贡献。首先，它将15个中东和北非国家分为三个地域分组，以便进行国别比较，这种比较以前已经做过，但并非为了评估腐败。其次，在对国家进行分类后，它用十个不同的变量来评估每个国家——三个政治变量、三个经济变量和四个发展变量。第三，该书评估了阿拉伯之春之前的腐败现象，该起义始于2010年的突尼斯，并蔓延到邻国，是阿拉伯之春的触发因素。为此，它首先研究了海湾阿拉伯合作委员会 （GCC） 国家，即巴林、科威特、阿曼、卡塔尔、沙特阿拉伯和阿拉伯联合酋长国，然后是北非国家，包括阿尔及利亚、埃及、摩洛哥、利比亚、突尼斯，最后是马什雷克国家、约旦、黎巴嫩、叙利亚和也门。在以下各节中，本书将共同评估整个地区并得出结论。

译者注：原篇介绍过长，在此不赘。

Fatih Kırşanlı，Yozgat, Türkiye Yozgat

The Economy of Classical Athens. Organization, Institutions and Society by Emmanouil, Marios, L. Economou

评《古雅典的经济：组织、制度和社会》

This book is based on a series of recent articles, books, and book chapters authored or co-authored by Economou on the rise and prosperity of ancient Athens during the classical period of democracy, 507 − 322 BCE, discussing the political and economic institutions behind the Athenian efflorescence. The present review first surveys and assesses the contents of the book. Then it suggests a possible explanation of the claim of the book that several of the institutions of modern economies emerged in an early form in ancient Athens. It concludes by raising a host of questions regarding the eventual failure and decline of Athens.

本书基于 Economou 撰写或合著的关于民主政治时期（公元前 507 年至公元前 322 年）古雅典的兴起和繁荣的一系列最近文章、书籍和具体章节，讨论了古雅典繁荣背后的政治和经济制度。本综述首先对该书的内容进行了调查和评估。然后，它提出了对该书主张即“现代经济的一些制度在古雅典以原初形式出现”的可能解释。最后，本文提出了一系列关于雅典最终失败和衰落的问题。

George Tridimas，Department of Accounting Finance and Economics, Ulster Business School, York Street, Belfast, BT15 1ED, UK