Global Constitutionalism 2024年第1期目录中译

Research Article

研究文章

Private law, private international law and public interest litigation

私法、国际私法与公益诉讼

Stephanie Law  英国南安普顿大学

Jo Shaw  英国爱丁堡大学

Jonathan Havercroft  英国南安普顿大学

Susan Kang  美国纽约州立大学

Antje Wiener  英国剑桥大学

Abstract: Private actors and institutions, and by extension private law itself, are increasingly being forced to reckon with a multiplicity of challenges that extend beyond the domain of private law as it is traditionally conceived. They reflect threats to the global constitutional order and liberal constitutionalism, and threats to individual and collective fundamental rights and constitutional values. As a result, the role of private law in framing and facilitating the development of the global economy and globalization often does not fall within the direct purview of public international lawyers. This editorial aims to examine the role of private law in the litigation and enforcement of public interests against the background of the public/private divide. This is done in light of the increasing role adopted by private actors, including corporations, beyond the private realm.

摘要：私人行动者、私人机构以及由此延伸的私法本身，正越来越多地被迫面对一系列挑战，这些挑战超出了传统私法所涵盖的范围。这些挑战反映了对全球宪法秩序和自由主义宪制的威胁，以及对个人与集体基本权利和宪法价值观的威胁。因此，私法在构建和促进全球经济和全球化发展中的作用，往往不直接属于国际法律师的关注范围。本文旨在探讨公私分立的背景下，私法在公益诉讼和公共利益执行中的角色。这是基于包括法人在内的私人行动者在私人领域之外所发挥的日益重要的作用而进行的讨论。

Agora: Ocean Governance

讨论会：海洋治理

A constitution for the ocean? An agora on ocean governance

海洋宪法？海洋治理讨论会

Jonathan Havercroft  英国南安普顿大学

Alice Kloker  英国国家海洋中心

Abstract: This introduction briefly discusses the global constitutional issues raised by ocean governance and introduces the three pieces from our Agora contributors.

摘要：这篇引言简要讨论了海洋治理引发的全球宪法问题，并介绍了我们讨论会贡献者的三篇文章。

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, global justice and the environment

联合国海洋法公约、全球公正与环境

Chris Armstrong  英国南安普顿大学

Abstract: The recent fortieth anniversary of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) has sparked a good deal of reflection and retrospection. Looking back, it is clear that the Convention’s architects carefully navigated, and selectively absorbed, a number of competing visions of oceanic governance, from freedom to enclosure to visions of Global North–South equality. This made the Convention’s construction period a very drawn-out and painful one – longer than for any other international treaty in history – and while some hopes were realized, others were dashed. Forty years on, it is important not to let its current canonical status blind us to the fact that the Convention came close to being a failure, and that things could have gone differently at a number of critical junctures. Nor should it stop us asking whether UNCLOS is really fit for purpose today. In this article, I situate the Convention within wider developments in the global economy and the global environment, and consider the role it has played in promoting goals of global justice and environmental protection.

摘要：最近的联合国海洋法公约（UNCLOS）四十周年纪念引发了大量的反思和回顾。回顾过去，很明显，公约的设计者们精心引导，并选择性地吸收了一些关于海洋治理的竞争性视角，这些视角从自由到封闭，再到寻求发达国家与发展中国家的平等。这使得公约的建构期成为一个非常漫长且痛苦的过程，这一过程比历史上任何一个国际条约的建构期都要长。而且，虽然一些希望得以实现，但其他的希望却破灭了。四十年后，我们不能由于公约现在的权威地位而使我们忽视一个事实，那就是公约曾经接近失败，而且在许多关键的时刻，事情本可以有不同的走向。这也不应该阻止我们询问公约是否真的适合今天的目的。在这篇文章中，我将公约置于全球经济和全球环境的更广泛之发展中，并考虑它在推动全球公正和环境保护目标方面所起的作用。

Reflections on international ocean science and ocean governance: Can our global structures rise to the occasion?

对国际海洋科学和海洋治理的反思：我们的全球结构能否应对挑战？

Katherine Louise Hill  英国国家海洋中心

Abstract: There is increasing awareness that the ocean touches all aspects of our lives and that a healthy ocean is central to a healthy planet and sustainable future. The ocean is a highly connected system and ocean science is characterized by voluntary international collaboration supported by an enthusiastic and engaged community. Increasingly, it is being recognized that international structures and instruments need to be stronger and more holistic than the current arrangements. This article outlines some perspectives on this, drawing on experience in ocean science and scientists at national, international and intergovernmental levels.

摘要：人们越来越意识到海洋触及我们生活的方方面面，健康的海洋对于健康的地球和可持续的未来至关重要。海洋是一个高度联结的系统，海洋科学的特点是由热情参与的社区支持的自愿国际合作。人们越来越认识到，国际结构和工具需要比当前的安排更强大、更全面。这篇文章概述了一些关于这个问题的观点，借鉴了国家、国际和政府间组织中各级别海洋科学和科学家的经验。

Ocean literacy for an Ocean constitution

有关海洋宪法的海洋素养

Emma McKinley  英国卡迪夫大学

Abstract: Firmly cemented in history as a connector of people, a facilitator for trade and transport routes and a driver of culture and heritage, the ocean has directly influenced globalization, and humanity more generally, for generations. While the ocean was perhaps once viewed as infinite and insurmountable, globally our oceans, coasts and seas have experienced unprecedented change in recent decades with climate change, loss of biodiversity and overfishing among the challenges being addressed through contemporary ocean governance. Moreover, and crucially as we continue to strive for sustainable ocean futures, the global ocean is increasingly being recognized as a peopled space. This article explores the role of ocean literacy as we look towards achieving sustainable ocean futures.

摘要：海洋在历史上被坚定地视为连接人们的纽带、贸易和运输路线的推动者、文化和遗产的驱动者，对全球化以及人类的普遍特性和行为产生了直接影响，这种影响已经持续了好几代人。虽然海洋曾经可能被视为无穷无尽和难以逾越，但在近几十年里，我们全球的海洋、海岸和海域经历了前所未有的变化，其中包括气候变化、生物多样性的丧失和过度捕捞等挑战，这些都是通过现代海洋治理正在解决的问题。而且关键的是，当我们继续努力实现可持续的海洋未来时，全球海洋越来越被意识到是一个被人类占据的空间。这篇文章探讨了我们在追求实现可持续海洋未来时，海洋素养在其中发挥的作用。

（译者注：2004年“海洋素养” 在美国被正式定义为“了解海洋对你的影响以及你对海洋的影响”，这一定义包括7项基本原则和44个概念。）

Research Article

研究文章

Unpacking constitutional literacy

解读宪法素养

Maartje De Visser  新加坡管理大学

Brian Christopher Jones  英国利物浦大学

Abstract: The contemporary crisis in relation to constitutional literacy relates not to the lack of knowledge that citizens possess about fundamental constitutional texts, but to the considerable lack of development in relation to what constitutional literacy itself entails. This article accordingly unpacks the notion of constitutional literacy: its importance, its characteristics, and its variable nature. Using a comparative lens, the article invites reflection on the role we expect citizens to play in our democracies, and especially the associated knowledge and skills required for successful state performance. We suggest that constitutional literacy is exceptionally multifaceted and fluid in nature, which serves to make its conceptualization and measurement challenging endeavours, and certainly more so than the easy invocation of this notion may assume at first blush. In this regard, engaging with the constitutional text, while an integral component of constitutional literacy, is ultimately only one part of the puzzle.

摘要：关于宪法素养的当代危机，问题不在于公民对宪法文本的知识匮乏，而在于对宪法素养本身涵义的发展严重不足。因此，本文解读了宪法素养的概念：其重要性、特性以及变化的性质。通过比较的视角，本文引入了我们期望公民在民主中所扮演角色的反思，特别是成功的国家表现所需的相关知识和技能。我们认为，宪法素养的性质极其多元易变，这使得将其概念化和量化成为具有挑战性的努力，当然比起初次简单地引用这个概念可能假设的要复杂得多。在这方面，与宪法文本的接触，虽然是宪法素养的一个组成部分，但最终只是这个难题的一部分。

Hong Kong in the age of the PRC’s alienation from the international system: In search of normative consensus

Chao Wang  University of Macau

Judicial review of supermajority rules governing courts’ own decision-making: A comparative analysis

对法院自身决策之超级多数规则的司法审查：一项比较分析

Mauro Arturo Rivera León  波兰卡托维兹西里西亚大学

Abstract: This article provides a comparative analysis of how courts have performed judicial review on supermajority rules governing courts’ decision-making. Through an empirical approach, covering the cases of the United States, Peru and Poland, the article argues that the supermajority’s legal source and the chronology of its establishment may influence the court’s ability to review such rules and the case’s outcome. Finally, the article addresses the paradox of whether courts must apply the very provision they are tasked to review.

摘要：这篇文章提供了一种比较分析，研究了法院如何对决定法院决策的超级多数规则进行司法审查。通过实证方法涵盖了美国、秘鲁和波兰的案例，文章认为超级多数的法律来源和其建立的时间顺序可能影响法院审查这些规则和案件结果的能力。最后，文章讨论了一个悖论，即法院是否必须适用那些被指派审查的条款。

Is the European Union a militant democracy? Democratic backsliding and EU disintegration

欧盟之民主是否是一种激进的民主？民主倒退和欧盟解体

Tom Theuns  荷兰莱顿大学

Abstract: There has been much recent debate over whether the European Union is or should be a ‘militant democratic’ actor in order to respond to democratic backsliding in EU member states. This article argues that the EU is a militant democracy in a specific and limited sense, but that this may be normatively undesirable from a democratic perspective. I first develop a definition of militant democracy that focuses on the militant democratic paradox. I argue that the strongest justifications for militant democracy require that two conditions are met: an ‘existential threat condition’ and a ‘necessity condition’. Next, I analyse four ways in which the European Union has been said to be empowered to act in a militant democratic fashion to combat democratic backsliding in EU member states. I show how some, though not all, of these warrant the label ‘militant democracy’. Moving from the descriptive to the normative analysis, I then consider whether the necessity condition can ever be met since there is always the possibility of non-militant responses through forms of EU disintegration. If we accept this argument, EU actors should prioritize robust non-militant measures where possible while pro-democratic member states should disassociate from frankly autocratic member states where non-militant measures fail.

摘要：为了应对欧盟成员国民主倒退的挑战，近期围绕欧盟是否应成为“激进民主”行动者展开了广泛讨论。本文认为，在特定和有限的意义上，欧盟可以被视为一个激进的民主国家，但从民主角度来看，这可能是不可取的。首先提出激进民主的定义，并探讨其存在的悖论。笔者认为，支持激进民主最有力的理由需要满足两个条件：“威胁条件”和“必要性条件”。接下来分析据称欧盟被授权以四种方式采取激进民主行动以对抗成员国倒退情况，并展示其中一些（尽管非全部）如何被贴上“激进民主”的标签。从描述性分析转向规范性分析时考虑到通过解体形式总会存在非激进反应的可能性，因此需要思考是否满足必要性条件。如果我们接受这一观点，则欧盟参与者应优先考虑强有力的非军事措施，并与那些未能成功实施非军事措施而走向专制道路的成员国划清界限。

Looking beyond the constituent power theory: The theory of equitable elite bargaining

超越制宪权理论：公正精英议价理论

Amal Sethi  德国汉堡大学

Abstract: The constituent power theory, which served critical functions for several years, has outlived its utility as the preeminent yardstick to measure the normative legitimacy of a constitution. As the theory stands, it cannot apply on its own terms to most instances of modern constitutionmaking. At the same time, it is highly susceptible to being used to legitimize authoritarian outcomes. The scholarly literature that attempts to reimagine or expand the theory is scant and unable to overcome its problems. In response, this article develops an alternative standard: the theory of equitable elite bargaining. This theory provides that a constitution is normatively legitimate if it is the product of an equitable bargain between elites from most major political groups in society at the moment of constitution-making. The theory of equitable elite bargaining is applicable to the realities of modern constitution-making and makes it more difficult to legitimize authoritarian constitutions. Further, both representation-based and consequentialist arguments can justify a constitution drafted in accordance with the theory as normatively legitimate. The theory imposes a standard that can result in arduous constitution-making processes and moderated constitutional content. Additionally, its focus on elites poses challenging questions. However, this article will argue that the net benefits of this theory warrant its consideration as a new standard to assess normative constitutional legitimacy.

摘要：制宪权理论，这个在多年间发挥关键作用的理论，已经超越了其作为衡量宪法规范正当性的首要标准的效用。按照该理论的立场，它不能适用于大多数现代制宪的实例。同时，它极易被用来正当化威权主义的产物。试图重新构想或扩展该理论的学术文献很少，无法克服其问题。作为回应，本文提出了一个替代标准：公正精英议价理论。这个理论认为，如果一部宪法是在制宪时刻，来自社会中大多数主要政治团体的精英之间公正的协议的产物，那么它在规范上即是正当的。公正精英议价理论适用于现代制宪实践，并使得正当化威权主义宪法变得更加困难。进一步说，基于代表性和实用主义的论证都可以证明，按照该理论起草的宪法在规范上是正当的。该理论提出了一个标准，可能导致艰难的制宪过程和适度的宪法内容。此外，其对精英的关注提出了具有挑战性的问题。然而，本文将阐述，这个理论的净效益使其值得被考虑作为评估规范宪法正当性的新标准。

Symposium

专题研讨

How do constitution-making processes fail? The case of Chile’s Constitutional Convention (2021–22)

制宪进程如何会失败？以智利制宪会议（2021-2022）为例

Sergio Verdugo  西班牙IE大学

Luis Eugenio García-Huidobro  智利天主教大学

Abstract: This introduction to the symposium ‘How do Constitution-Making Processes Fail? The Case of Chile’s Constitutional Convention (2021–22)’ situates the project in the field of constitution-making, provides context regarding the Chilean case, summarizes some possible explanations for the failure, and describes how each article contributes to the symposium as a whole.

摘要：这个专题的介绍‘制宪进程如何会失败？以智利制宪会议（2021-2022）为例’将该项目定位在制宪领域，提供了关于智利制宪的背景，总结了一些可能的失败原因，并阐述了每篇文章对整个专题所作贡献。

Elite non-cooperation in polarized democracies: Constitution-making deferral, the entry referendum and the seeds of the Chilean failure

极化民主中的精英不合作：制宪的推迟、入场公投和智利失败的根源

Luis Eugenio García-Huidobro  智利天主教大学

Abstract: This article extends the study of the shortcomings of the constitution-making design that contributed to the failure of the Chilean process by addressing a largely overlooked aspect: the 2020 entry referendum. By placing two competing constitution-making models on the ballot, the political elites delegated to the voters a highly conflictual aspect of the process design that prevented cooperation among them. While some political parties approached the disagreements placed on the ballot as an opportunity to reopen discussions already settled by the 2019 Agreement, others interpreted the move as a cancellation of the political insurance contained in the Agreement. This exacerbated the existing polarization among political elites and imperiled prospects for the success of the process.

摘要：本文通过讨论一个很大程度上被忽视的方面：2020年全民投票，以此来扩展对导致智利制宪过程失败的制宪设计缺点的研究。通过将两种相互竞争的制宪模式列入选票，政治精英将进程中高度冲突的一面委托给了选民，从而阻止了他们之间的合作。虽然一些政党将选票上的分歧视为重新开启2019年协议中已经达成一致的讨论的机会，但其他人则认为这一举措破坏了协议中的政治保障。这加剧了政治精英之间的现有分歧，并危及了制宪的成功前景。

It’s the procedures, stupid: The success and failures of Chile’s Constitutional Convention

愚蠢的程序：智利制宪会议的成败

Tom Ginsburg  美国芝加哥大学

Isabel Álvarez  美国芝加哥大学

Abstract: Chile’s experience with its Constitutional Convention from 2021 to 2022 sheds light on an important issue for comparative reflection: the role of procedures in constitution-making processes. The Constitutional Convention was bound by procedures that were both externally imposed and internally created. Our assessment is that, while some procedures improved representation and deliberation, the most important decision-making procedures were pernicious to the process. We argue that looking at procedures is fundamental when analysing constitutional processes, as the rules that bind rule-making processes can significantly impact not only their functioning, but also their outcomes.

摘要：智利在2021年至2022年期间的制宪实践，为比较法研究提供了一个重要问题的思考角度：程序在制宪过程中的作用。该制宪会议受到外部强制和内部创设的程序约束。我们的结论是，尽管某些程序改善了代表性和协商，但最重要的决策程序对整个过程产生了不良影响。我们认为，在分析制宪过程时，审视程序是至关重要的，因为约束规则制定过程的规则不仅会显著影响其运作，还会影响其结果。

Institutional resistance: The case of the Chilean Convention 2021–22

制度性抵抗：智利制宪大会2021-2022年案例

María Cristina Escudero  智利大学

Abstract: The Constitutional Convention in Chile, like other constitution-making mechanisms in democracies, carried out its work within the democratic institutional framework. In a democracy, the success of a constitution-making process depends not only on internal factors, such as its capacity for representation and the procedural rules by which it is governed, but also on external factors such as participation, the government’s role and other contingent factors. When the process – including both internal and external factors – fails to produce adherence to the new constitution, institutional resistance to changes is very likely to occur. This article argues that the manner in which the political and social spectrum was represented in the Chilean Convention, combined with the way participation was implemented and the rules governing the Convention, insulated it from society and the rest of the democratic institutions. As a result, party and public adherence to the proposal made by the Convention was low and its contents generated institutional resistance from outside.

摘要：智利的制宪会议与其他民主国家中的制宪机制一样，在民主的制度框架内开展工作。在民主国家中，制宪过程的成功不仅取决于内部因素，如代表能力和其运作的程序规则，还取决于外部因素，如参与度、政府的作用以及其他偶然因素。当这个过程（包括内部和外部因素）未能使新宪法得到遵守时，制度对变革的阻力很可能会发生。本文认为，智利制宪大会中政治和社会各界代表的方式以及参与的实施方式和制宪会议的规则，使制宪会议与社会和其他民主制度隔绝。因此，政党和公众对制宪会议提出的方案的接受度很低，其内容也引起了外界的制度性抵抗。

Chile’s failed constitutional intent: Polarization, fragmentation, haste and delegitimization

智利失败的制宪目的：极化、破碎、急躁和非法化

Valeria Palanza  智利天主教大学

Patricia Sotomayor Valarezo  智利天主教大学

Abstract: This article suggests that the conditions under which the Chilean constitutional process of 2021–22 undertook its task held the seeds of its doom. Constitutional conventions are always tasked with reaching agreements on the controversial allocation of decision rights, and doing so is no simple feat. The Chilean process combined (1) very dispersed preferences regarding the problems the new constitution should solve and the institutions to best enable solutions, with (2) a brief timeframe to allow for agreements to emerge, aggravated by (3) a composition of the Convention that was dominated by independents lacking experience in legislative bargaining, and (4) a severe disenchantment of the population with parties and politics as the backdrop. Together, these hurdles proved impossible to overcome. Despite the notorious political achievements of the Committee we study here, the proposal that came out of Chile’s Constitutional Convention in 2021 was plagued by controversy and a negative perception of the Convention’s work, and was ultimately rejected by the people.

摘要：这篇文章提出，2021-2022年智利制宪所面临的条件预示了其失败的原因。制宪总是被赋予在有争议的决策权分配上达成协议的任务，而这并不是一件简单的事情。智利的制宪过程结合了以下几个因素：(1)对新宪法应解决的问题和最佳解决方案的机构的偏好非常分散；(2)允许协议出现的时间框架短暂；(3)会议的组成主要由缺乏立法协商经验的独立人士主导；(4)人民对政党和政治的严重不满。这些障碍被证明是无法克服的。尽管我们所研究的会议取得了显著政治成就，但2021年智利制宪会议的提案却因争议和对制宪工作的负面看法而备受困扰，最终被人民所拒绝。

Parity constitutionalism

平等立宪主义

Rosalind Dixon  澳大利亚新南威尔士大学

Marcela Prieto Rudolphy  美国南加利福尼亚大学

Abstract: In 2021, the Chilean Convention became the first constitution-making body with gender parity. However, the draft – which reflected many gender-related norms – was rejected by 61.89 per cent of voters in the exit plebiscite of 2022. In this article, we argue that although parity constitutionalism has promise and, in the Chilean case, was linked to gender-related outcomes in the constitutional text, parity’s promise may fail to materialize. We thus caution against a naïve view of parity constitutionalism as one of the key legacies of the 2020–22 Chilean constitution-making process.

摘要：2021年，智利制宪会议成为第一个实现性别平等的制宪机构。然而，这份反映了许多与性别相关的宪法草案，在2022年的退场公投中被61.89%的选民反对。在这篇文章中，我们认为，尽管平等立宪主义有其前景且在智利的案例中与宪法文本中的性别结果有关，但平等的承诺可能无法实现。因此，我们警告不要天真地将平等立宪主义视为2020-2022年智利制宪的关键遗产之一。

Social rights scapegoating

社会权利替罪羊理论

Adam Chilton  美国芝加哥大学

Cristián Eyzaguirre  美国芝加哥大学

Mila Versteeg  美国弗吉尼亚大学

Abstract: In Chile, many commentators, academics and political leaders have spent years arguing that the limited nature of the social rights in the national constitution is partially responsible for the country’s economic and social inequality. It is thus unsurprising that changing the scope of the country’s social rights was a major focus of the recently failed constitutional reform effort. However, we argue that the long-running claim that Chile’s social problems were due to the limited nature of social rights can be thought of as social rights scapegoating, by which we mean that commentators blamed outcomes on constitutional rights, even though there is little evidence that countries’ socio-economic outcomes are a product of their social rights.

摘要：在智利，许多评论家、学者和政治领导人花了很多年的时间来争论，宪法中社会权利的有限性应当为该国的经济和社会不平等负一部分责任。因此，改变该国社会权利的范围成为最近失败的宪法改革努力的主要焦点并不令人惊讶。然而，我们认为，长期以来认同智利的社会问题是由于社会权利的有限性引起的这种说法可以被视为社会权利替罪羊理论，也就是说，评论家们将结果归咎于社会权利，尽管几乎没有证据表明国家的社会经济结果是其社会权利的产物。

Utopian constitutionalism in Chile

智利立宪主义的乌托邦

David Landau  美国佛罗里达州立大学

Rosalind Dixon  澳大利亚新南威尔士大学

Abstract: In this article, we argue that the 2022 Chilean draft Constitution helps to articulate the distinction between a transformative constitutional project and a utopian one. Whereas a transformative project lays down markers for social change that will take time to achieve, a utopian project sets out goals that are unlikely to be achieved within any reasonable timeframe. Utopianism is a product of two relationships. The first is the internal relationship between the transformative goals laid out in a constitution and the institutional pathways through which changes will occur. The second is the external relationship between the goals in the text and the views and support of key groups. In Chile, both relationships were problematic. First, the Convention adopted a draft that was heavy on ambitious programmatic content but lacked a clear vision of how to implement it. Second, the Convention produced a draft that was supported by the ephemeral civil society groups galvanized by the 2019 protests but divorced from the vision of Chile’s parties and public opinion. Some of this was a product of the peculiar electoral context in which the Convention acted, which has already been corrected. But some of it reflects deeper tensions within transformative constitutionalism.

摘要：在这篇文章中，我们认为2022年智利的宪法草案有助于阐明变革性宪法项目和乌托邦项目之间的区别。变革性项目为需要时间实现的社会变革设定了标志，而乌托邦项目设定了在任何合理时间内都不太可能实现的目标。乌托邦主义是两种关系的产物。第一种是宪法中设定的变革目标与将发生变化的制度路径之间的内部关系。第二种是文本中的目标与关键群体的观点和支持之间的外部关系。在智利，这两种关系都存在问题。首先，制宪会议通过了一份十分重视雄心勃勃的规划内容，却极为轻视实施计划的草案。其次，会议产生了一份草案，这份草案得到了2019年抗议活动激发的短暂的公民社会团体之支持，但却与智利的政党和公众舆论的愿景脱节。其中的一部分是会议采取的特殊选举环境的产物，这已经得到了纠正。但其中的一部分反映了变革性立宪主义内部的更深层次的紧张关系。

A failed but useful constitution-making process: How Bachelet’s process contributed to constitution-making in Chile

失败却有用的制宪进程：巴切莱特为智利制宪作出了怎样的贡献

José Francisco García  智利天主教大学

Abstract: This article shows how failed constitutional proposals may contribute to future constitution-making processes by exploring the relationship between the recently failed Chilean constitution-making process (2019–22) and the previous unsuccessful one led by former President Michelle Bachelet (2015–17). Comparative constitutional scholars are yet to fully understand how constitutional failures of this kind can take place, and Bachelet’s process has not received the attention it should. This article fills that gap by showing how both processes were driven by shared principles initially set by Bachelet. It also shows how those principles may serve as a blueprint for future constitutional changes in Chile. Bachelet had campaigned on the basis that any constitutional replacement attempt should be participatory, institutional and democratic – all ideas that have remained popular in Chile’s political landscape. Those ideas have served the purpose of both reducing transaction costs among constitutional negotiators and securing large compromises in polarized political scenarios.

摘要：这篇文章揭示了失败的宪法提案可以怎样通过探索最近失败的智利制宪进程（2019-2022）与前总统米歇尔·巴切莱特（2015-2017）领导的之前的失败过程之间的关系，为未来的制宪作出贡献。比较宪法学者尚未完全理解这种类型的制宪失败是如何发生的，而巴切莱特的制宪过程并未得到应有的关注。这篇文章填补了这个空白，展示了这两个过程是如何由巴切莱特最初设定的共享原则驱动的。它还展示了这些原则如何可能作为智利未来宪法变革的蓝图。巴切莱特曾在竞选中主张，任何宪法变革尝试都应该是参与性的、制度性的和民主性的，这些都是在智利的政治界中一直流行的观点。这些观点既降低了宪法谈判者之间的交易成本，也在极化的政治情境中确保了最大妥协。

Constitutions as moving targets

作为变动目标的宪法

Sergio Verdugo  西班牙IE大学

Abstract: Constitutions change in different ways, and some constitutions – such as the Chilean Constitution – change often. The significant changes to the Chilean Constitution have been frequent and fast, and they have accompanied the failed constitution-making processes of the previous years. Examples include crucial sub-constitutional statutes such as the electoral system regulation and same-sex marriage, political practices challenging the power of the president in the law-making process, constitutional rules such as term limits for legislators, judicial practices such as the enforcement of social rights and the amendment procedures of the Constitution itself. Despite the successful attempts at reforming the Constitution and the failed attempts at replacing it, Chileans are still trying to replace the constitutional document. However, the constitutional framework has become unstable, making it harder to agree on what exactly is wrong with it. This article seeks to open a conversation in the constitutional literature. It argues that constitutions can become moving targets and uses the Chilean case to show the need to theorize more about the moving target problem.

摘要：宪法以多元的方式变化，有些宪法如智利宪法，便经常变化。智利宪法的重大变化频繁且快速，且伴随着前几年失败的制宪过程。实例包括关键的次级宪法性立法，如选举制度和同性婚姻；挑战总统在立法过程中之权力的政治实践，如立法者任期限制的宪法规则，又如社会权利的实施和宪法本身的修正程序的司法实践。尽管成功地尝试改革宪法并尝试替代它的失败，智利人民仍在尝试替换宪法文件。然而，宪法框架已变得不稳定，使得就究竟哪里出了问题达成一致变得更加困难。这篇文章试图在宪法学文献中开启一场对话，它认为宪法可以变成变动的目标，并使用智利的案例来展示需要更多理论化关于变动目标问题的必要性。