Quilombos | 逃奴堡，非裔巴西人反抗的发源地

美国及诸多拉美和加勒比国家存在许多由逃奴组成的社区，此类社区有各种称呼，在委内瑞拉被称为“cumbes”，在哥伦比亚和厄瓜多尔被称为“palenques”，在牙买加、美国和部分英语加勒比地区被称为“maroons”，在海地和部分法语加勒比地区被称为“marrons”，在古巴、墨西哥和波多黎各则被称为“cimarrones”。

大农户的恐慌

从1575年到1743年，在首领冈加-祖巴（Ganga-Zumba）和祖姆比（Zumbi）的领导下，帕尔马雷斯（位于今阿拉戈斯州和伯南布哥州）地区建有许多大型逃奴堡。除此之外，亚马逊地区、巴伊亚州、塞尔希培州、北里奥格兰德州和皮奥伊州也出现了许多逃亡黑奴社区。此类社区遍及巴西，包括戈亚斯州、马托格罗索州和米纳斯吉拉斯州等殖民地区。

承认

20世纪80年代和90年代，特别是在1988年巴西立宪和1995年祖比逝世300周年之际，巴西逃奴堡居民（quilombolas）的社会斗争日益壮大。“逃奴堡居民后裔农村社区”一词指的是一些农村社区和城市周边社区，其居民是逃奴堡居民后裔、逃亡者群体后裔，甚至自由民和自由黑人后裔。

这个词被纳入了1988年巴西《宪法》，相关条款要求承认逃奴堡居民是其所在土地的最终所有者，并授权保护可被承认为文化遗产的文化。

“1988年宪法条款要求承认逃奴堡居民对其所在土地的最终所有权”

但是，尽管有了这项新的立法，拥有土地产权证的社区数量仍然很少。还有更糟糕的一点，过去10年间，为反抗土地掠夺者和对其领土的非法入侵而遭谋杀的农村地区逃奴堡居民领袖人数不断增加。

矛盾的是，这些新措施实际上延缓了政府当局授予产权证和承认给逃奴堡居民领土的速度。由于州和联邦机构迟迟不发放最终产权证书，来自农业土地所有部门方面的压力也越来越重。

长期斗争

在这一背景下，专门研究17—19世纪逃奴堡历史的人种学者和研究人员建议拓宽逃奴堡及其遗留社区的定义，甚至还出现了根据记忆、民族、领土和公民身份等概念重新界定逃奴堡含义的运动，相关非裔社区居民和领袖均参与其中。

最新的人口普查显示，2023年，巴西全国大约有130万逃奴堡居民。未来10年里，这一人群的数量可能会上涨至巴西人口的1%，规模更加接近目前有160万人的原住民社区。

这些农村非裔社区为获得土地而开展的斗争是一个长期过程，期间诸多环节交替上演，包括政治行动、政府干预、历史学家和人类学家的参与和议会辩论，最重要的是，要动员开展社会运动。

关于种族不平等、土地获取、公共政策、公民权扩大，乃至如何为长达350多年的殖民和后殖民奴役做出赔偿等问题的讨论，贯穿于在巴西各地开展的当代逃奴堡斗争之中。这些逃奴堡代表着近6000个非裔社区，到21世纪中叶，总体规模可能达300万人。

Quilombos, hotbeds of Afro-Brazilian resistance

Created by enslaved people fleeing forced labour or by black communities after the abolition of slavery, quilombos remain spaces of memory and resistance. But many are now threatened by real estate projects.

Flavio Gomes

Whether called cumbes (in Venezuela), palenques (in Colombia and Ecuador), maroons (in Jamaica, the United States of America and parts of the English-speaking Caribbean), marrons (in Haiti and several parts of the French-speaking Caribbean) or cimarrones (in Cuba, Mexico and Puerto Rico), all these names refer to communities formed by fugitive enslaved people in the USA and many Latin American and Caribbean countries.

In addition to the massive mocambos and quilombos of Palmares (in the Alagoas and Pernambuco regions), led by the chiefs Ganga-Zumba and Zumbi, which lasted from 1575 to 1743, numerous communities of fugitives appeared in the Amazon, but also in Bahia, Sergipe, Rio Grande do Norte and Piauí. They spread throughout the country, including in the colonial regions of Goiás, Mato Grosso and Minas Gerais. 

In the 19th century, these communities proliferated throughout the country, particularly in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande. Until the eve of abolition in 1888, there were countless collective escapes and creations of quilombos, which struck fear among the large-scale farmers and the authorities throughout Brazil, even reaching the cities.

“Until the eve of abolition in 1888, there were countless 

collective escapes and creations of quilombos”

Quilombos are also the result of secular forms of occupation, as well as the donation of land to freedmen as early as the end of the 18th century. An important historical process we must therefore take into account is the migratory movement of black families and the occupation of land during the last decade of slavery and the first years of post-emancipation. With post-emancipation, these processes became even more complex, with the migration of peasant populations that formed territories, localities, communities, collectivities and rural black neighbourhoods, today numbering in the thousands and scattered throughout Brazil.

Recognition

In the 1980s and 1990s – and particularly in 1988 with the promulgation of the Constitution, and in 1995 for the tercentenary of Zumbi's death – the social struggles of quilombolas (inhabitants of quilombos) in Brazil gained in strength. The term “quilombola descendant black rural communities” identifies rural communities – also found within urban perimeters – whose inhabitants are descendants of quilombolas, of groups of fugitives and even of freedmen and free blacks.

“The 1988 constitutional provisions call for quilombolas to be granted 

definitive ownership of their lands”

But despite this new legislation, the number of communities with agrarian title deeds remains very low. Worse still, the last ten years have seen an increase in the number of murders of rural black quilombola leaders fighting against land grabbers and criminal invasions of their territories.

Against this backdrop, ethnographers and researchers specializing in the history of quilombos and mocambos in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries have suggested broadening the definition of quilombo, as well as that of remaining communities. There has even been a movement – also involving the inhabitants and leaders of the communities themselves – to redefine the meaning of quilombos based on notions of memory, ethnicity, territory and citizenship.