越共领导人阮富仲去世,享年80岁

文摘   2024-07-20 12:31   美国  
美国纽约时报杂志网站于2024年7月19日发表题为《越南强硬领导人阮富仲辞世,享年80岁》的文章。以下观点不代表任何译者立场,现将全文翻译如下:

Nguyen Phu Trong, Powerful Vietnamese Leader, Is Dead at 80
越南强硬领导人阮富仲辞世,享年80岁

Known for his “blazing furnace” anticorruption campaign, Mr. Trong consolidated power in one of the world’s few remaining Communist dictatorships.
以“烈火熔炉”反腐运动著称,阮富仲巩固了世界仅存的几个共产主义专制政权之一的权力

Nguyen Phu Trong, center, at the Vietnam Communist Party’s 11th National Congress in Hanoi, in 2011, at which he was voted to be the party’s new general secretary. Hoang Dinh Nam/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
2011年,阮富仲(中)在河内出席越共第十一次全国代表大会,并在会上当选为越共新任总书记。

By Sui-Lee Wee
July 19, 2024, 7:43 a.m. ET

Nguyen Phu Trong, the hard-line general secretary of Vietnam’s Communist Party who presided over his country’s economic and geopolitical transformation, and reshaped its leadership with his “blazing furnace” anticorruption campaign, died on Friday at a hospital in Hanoi. He was 80.
越共总书记阮富仲周五在河内一家医院辞世,享年80岁。这位强硬派领导人主持了越南经济和地缘政治的转型,并以”烈火熔炉"反腐运动重塑了国家领导层。

His death was announced by the official Nhan Dan newspaper, which said that Mr. Trong had died of “old age” and an unspecified serious illness.
官方报纸《人民报》宣布了阮富仲的逝世,称其因“高龄”和一种未具体说明的严重疾病去世。

Speculation had swirled in January about Mr. Trong’s health after he skipped meetings with several foreign leaders. The seriousness of his illness became clear on Thursday, when the party announced that he would step back from his duties to focus on his health, and that President To Lam, a former security minister, would take over his responsibilities.
今年1月,阮富仲缺席了与多位外国领导人的会晤,引发了人们对其健康状况的猜测。周四,越共宣布他将暂时卸下职责专注养病,由前公安部长、现任国家主席苏林接替其职责,这一消息表明他的病情已相当严重。

For 12 years, Mr. Trong sat at the apex of power in Vietnam’s Communist hierarchy. He served an unprecedented three terms as party chief and nearly three decades in the Politburo. He consolidated power in one of the world’s few remaining Communist dictatorships, significantly weakening the collective form of leadership that previously characterized the country’s Communist Party.
12年来,阮富仲始终位居越南共产党权力金字塔的顶端。他打破先例,连任三届总书记,在政治局任职近30年。他在世界仅存的几个共产主义专制政权之一中巩固了权力,大大削弱了越共此前实行的集体领导制。

His death left no obvious successor.
他离世前没有留下明显的继任者。

“He was the most powerful leader in Vietnam after the Vietnam War,” said Nguyen Khac Giang, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS — Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore. “I think anyone who will be chosen as the next leader of Vietnam will face an uphill battle in having the same kind of authority that Nguyen Phu Trong had.”
新加坡尤索夫伊萨东南亚研究所访问学者阮客姜表示:“他是越战后越南最有权势的领导人。我认为,无论谁被选为越南的下一任领导人,要达到阮富仲那样的权威都将面临艰巨的挑战。”

Mr. Trong represented a conservative Marxist-Leninist faction within the party, which includes another faction seen as more pragmatic and moderate. His death is likely to raise hopes in the West that a less doctrinaire leader could emerge. Mr. Trong, the only one in the 18-member Politburo who grew up during the Vietnam War, was a generation older than many of his peers.
阮富仲代表了党内的保守马列派系,与另一派被视为更为务实温和的派系分庭抗礼。他的去世可能会让西方燃起希望,期待一位不那么教条的领导人出现。在18人的政治局中,阮富仲是唯一一位在越战期间成长的成员,比许多同僚年长一代。

He was a conservative ideologue who viewed corruption as a threat to the party’s survival, and in 2011 began a wide-reaching anticorruption campaign that has accelerated in recent years, investigating thousands of people and prompting the dismissal of several top ministers. The results have been mixed — the campaign created a fairer business environment but has also instilled fear in many officials and paralyzed decision-making.
阮富仲抱有保守的意识形态,将腐败视为对党生存的威胁。2011年,他发起了一场广泛的反腐运动,近年来更是愈演愈烈,调查了数千人,导致多位高级部长被撤职。这场运动的结果喜忧参半——它创造了更公平的商业环境,但也让许多官员心生恐惧,导致决策陷入瘫痪。

Mr. Trong also led the harshest crackdown on dissent in decades. Under his rule, the space for civil society — never abundant in the nation of roughly 100 million people — shrunk further.
阮富仲还领导了数十年来最严厉的异见镇压行动。在他的统治下,这个拥有近1亿人口的国家中本就不多的公民社会空间进一步萎缩。

Vietnam has the second-highest number of political prisoners in Southeast Asia, with more than 160 people currently detained for exercising their basic rights, according to Human Rights Watch.
根据人权观察组织的数据,越南是东南亚政治犯人数第二多的国家,目前有160多人因行使基本权利而被关押。

At home, Mr. Trong was viewed as a frugal leader who did not abuse his power to enrich himself or his family, unusual in Vietnam. His official vehicle was a two-decade-old Toyota Crown, according to a 2022 article in Vietnamnet, an online newspaper in Vietnam affiliated with the Ministry of Information and Communications. He refused to have new suits made.
在国内,阮富仲被视为一位节俭的领导人,不滥用权力为自己或家人谋利,这在越南实属罕见。据越南信息与传播部下属的在线报纸《越南网》2022年的一篇文章报道,他的官方座驾是一辆已使用20年的丰田皇冠,他还拒绝订制新西装。

Mr. Trong oversaw one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies and raised Vietnam’s prestige on the international stage, and under his term the world’s major superpowers courted the Southeast Asian nation aggressively.
在阮富仲的领导下,越南成为亚洲增长最快的经济体之一,国际声望也不断提升。在他任期内,世界主要超级大国都积极地争相拉拢这个东南亚国家。

Mr. Trong was adept at balancing relations with the United States and China, a strategy he termed “bamboo diplomacy.” (“Strong roots, stout trunk and flexible branches.”) He cultivated close ties with China’s top leader, who visited Vietnam in December for the third time. Three months before that, President Biden had also been in Vietnam, cementing a new strategic relationship with Mr. Trong.
阮富仲善于平衡与美国和中国的关系,他称这一策略为“竹子外交”(根深、干粗、枝韧)。他与中国最高领导人保持密切联系,后者曾三次访问越南,最近一次是在去年12月。而在那之前三个月,拜登总统也曾到访越南,与阮富仲确立了新的战略关系。

Mr. Trong and China’s top leader at the presidential palace in Hanoi in December. Pool photo by Nhac Nguyen
去年12月,阮富仲与中国最高领导人在河内越南主席府会面。

“He was a master of hedging,” said Alexander Vuving, a professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies specializing in Vietnam.
丹尼尔·K·井上亚太安全研究中心专门研究越南问题的教授亚历山大·武文表示:“他是平衡外交的大师。”

Mr. Trong was born in Hanoi on April 4, 1944, into a farming family.
阮富仲1944年4月4日出生于河内一个农民家庭。

After joining Vietnam’s Communist Party, he traveled to the Soviet Union in 1981, where he earned a postgraduate history degree in 1983. From 1991 to 1996, he was editor in chief of the Communist Review, the mouthpiece of Vietnam’s Communist Party.
加入越南共产党后,他于1981年赴苏联留学,1983年获得历史学研究生学位。1991年至1996年,他担任越共中央机关报《共产主义评论》的总编辑。

He was never seen as a strong party chief candidate because he lacked extensive experience in government and economics. From January 2000 to June 2006, Mr. Trong was secretary of the party’s Executive Committee of Hanoi, the provincial capital. From 2006 to 2011, he was chairman of Vietnam’s National Assembly.
由于缺乏政府和经济方面的丰富经验,他最初并未被视为强有力的党首候选人。2000年1月至2006年6月,阮富仲担任河内市委书记。2006年至2011年,他出任越南国会主席。

Vietnam’s principle of leadership is a collective one, and it has long resisted having a supreme figure at the top. Mr. Trong’s low-key manner made him a suitable compromise candidate for differing factions in the country’s Communist Party, and at 68, he was not expected to have a long term. In 2011, he was elected general secretary.
越南奉行集体领导制,长期以来避免出现一位至高无上的领导人。阮富仲低调的作风使他成为党内不同派系的合适妥协人选。2011年,68岁的他当选总书记,当时人们并不期望他能长期执政。

Mr. Trong’s first term was notable for a sharp rise in anti-China sentiment, after China moved an oil rig in contested waters near Vietnam’s coast in 2014. It led to protests in Vietnam and sent relations between the two nations to the lowest level in three decades.
阮富仲的第一个任期以反华情绪的急剧上升而著称。2014年,中国在靠近越南海岸的争议水域部署石油钻井平台,引发越南抗议,两国关系跌至30年来的最低点。

Mr. Vuving, the professor, said the event shifted Mr. Trong’s view of the West. Few countries spoke up publicly then for Vietnam, except for two: Japan and the United States.
武文教授表示,这一事件改变了阮富仲对西方的看法。当时,除了日本和美国,很少有国家公开为越南发声。

In 2015, Mr. Trong became the first Vietnamese Communist Party chief to travel to the United States. He met with President Obama and invited him to come to Vietnam. During his visit, Mr. Trong was asked about Vietnam’s human rights situation.
2015年,阮富仲成为首位访问美国的越共总书记。他会见了奥巴马总统,并邀请后者访问越南。访问期间,阮富仲被问及越南的人权状况。

Mr. Trong responded that “Vietnamese people have never lived in a democratic atmosphere like today,” but added that “it is also important to see that individual rights must be placed in the context of the common interests of the community.”
阮富仲回应说,“越南人民从未像今天这样生活在民主的氛围中”,但他补充道,“同样重要的是,要认识到个人权利必须置于社会共同利益的背景下。”

“The two sides’ understandings are still different, so the best way, in my opinion, is to increase dialogue,” he said. “But we should not let human rights issues hinder our relations.”
他说:“双方的理解仍有差异,因此我认为最好的方式是加强对话。但我们不应让人权问题妨碍我们的关系。”

In 2016, Mr. Trong agreed that Vietnam would sign on to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Mr. Obama’s trade initiative, which would entail Vietnam changing its laws to legalize independent unions and allow workers to strike.
2016年,阮富仲同意越南加入跨太平洋伙伴关系协定(TPP)——奥巴马的贸易倡议。这意味着越南需要修改法律,承认独立工会的合法地位,并允许工人罢工。

In that year, Mr. Trong was re-elected. In his second term, he stepped up his anti-corruption campaign, punishing several senior Politburo members.
同年,阮富仲连任。在第二个任期内,他加大了反腐力度,多名政治局高级成员受到惩处。

He had been in poor health for years. In 2019, absent for an extended period, he skipped several state and party events. The government then said only that “his health was affected by the weather and work intensity.”
多年来,阮富仲的健康状况一直不佳。2019年,他长期缺席了多个国家和党内活动。政府当时仅表示“他的健康受到天气和工作强度的影响”。

At the end of his term in 2021, he was expected to step down.
2021年任期结束时,人们原以为他会卸任。

But the Communist Party gave him a third term, violating its own Constitution, which limits party chiefs to two terms.
但越共破例给了他第三个任期,违反了党章中党总书记任期不得超过两届的规定。

Mr. Trong told reporters that he had not sought it, preferring to retire because of his health, but he had to “comply” because the Congress had elected him.
阮富仲告诉记者,他本人并不寻求连任,更愿意因健康原因退休,但他必须“服从”,因为党代会选举了他。

While Mr. Trong was happy to open up Vietnam to the West, he remained suspicious of Western democracy.
尽管阮富仲乐于向西方开放越南,但他始终对西方民主持怀疑态度。

“Behind the multiparty system in reality is still the tyranny of capitalist corporations,” Mr. Trong wrote in a 2022 book.
阮富仲在2022年出版的一本书中写道:“多党制背后实际上仍是资本主义公司的专制。”

He added: “The reality is that the democratic institutions according to the ‘liberal democracy’ formula that the West tries to promote and impose on the world do not ensure that power truly belongs to the people, by the people and for the people,.”
他还补充说:“事实上,西方试图推广并强加于世界的‘自由民主’模式下的民主制度并不能确保权力真正属于人民、由人民掌握、为人民服务。”

He is survived by his wife, Ngo Thi Man. The Vietnamese government does not disclose details about the children of party officials, but he is believed to also be survived by a son and a daughter.
阮富仲的遗孀是吴氏敏。越南政府不公开党内官员的子女信息,但据信他还有一子一女在世。

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