新刊 |《早期流行视觉文化》（2024第1期）

以下内容来源于 西方文论研究动态。

以下中译均为机器翻译，仅供参考。

In 1997 at the Pordenone silent film festival, three mildly irritated English people sat in the bar opposite the cinema, plotting. The occasion for the irritation was the sound of tip-up seats banging as an American film historian of note, and his entourage, walked out of the cinema loudly pronouncing they would leave, as the film about to start was British - the implication being that there was nothing of interest in it. Of course this was just the straw that broke the camel’s back, we had been hearing about how bad British silent film was for years. Even within the British Film Institute, the body charged with preservation and promotion of Britain‘s film heritage, the reputation of British silent film (beyond a few early pioneers), was poor. The indignant conversation in the bar - with Bryony Dixon (the archivist), Laraine Porter (the cinema programmer) and Neil Brand (the silent film pianist) was really focused on the fact that the confident pronouncements of these film historians on the rubbishness of British silent cinema was based on the sketchiest possible knowledge. I knew this because for years I ran the BFI’s viewing service and film booking office. Anyone who viewed material or booked it for screening in the BFI’s archive came through this office so I had a pretty good idea no one had booked out any of our silent British films. There are copies of British silent films with other collectors but not many. The undeniable fact was that no one of this generation of film historians and academics, with a few exceptions, had seen more than a bare handful of British silent films. Apart from perhaps Hitchcock’s The Lodger (1926), no British film was considered part of the silent film canon. Neil Brand sums up the situation

1997年，在波代诺内无声电影节上，三个略带恼怒的英国人坐在电影院对面的酒吧里，密谋着。激怒的场合是倾斜座椅的撞击声，因为一位著名的美国电影史学家和他的随行人员走出电影院，大声宣布他们将离开，因为即将开始的电影是英国的——言下之意是，它没有任何兴趣。当然，这只是压垮骆驼的最后一根稻草，多年来我们一直在听说英国无声电影有多糟糕。即使在负责保护和促进英国电影遗产的英国电影学院内部，英国无声电影的声誉（除了少数早期先驱者）也很差。酒吧里与布莱尼·迪克森（档案管理员）、拉莱恩·波特（电影程序员）和尼尔·布兰德（无声电影钢琴家）的愤慨谈话真正集中在这样一个事实上，即这些电影历史学家对英国无声电影垃圾的自信声明是基于最粗略的知识。我之所以知道这一点，是因为多年来我经营着BFI的观看服务和电影预订办公室。任何看过材料或预订在BFI档案中放映的人都是通过这个办公室来的，所以我很清楚没有人预订我们的任何无声英国电影。其他收藏家也有英国无声电影的拷贝，但并不多。不可否认的事实是，这一代电影史学家和学者中，除了少数例外，没有人看过少数英国无声电影。除了希区柯克的《房客》（1926）之外，没有一部英国电影被认为是无声电影经典的一部分。尼尔·布兰德（Neil Brand）总结了这种情况

The Land of Mystery (1920) was a melodrama movie based on a fictionalized life of Vladimir Lenin, made by the American filmmaker Harold Marvin Shaw. Shaw had previously made drama films with wartime propaganda content in Britain and South Africa. The Land of Mystery was financed by Russian exile Boris Said, and the story was written by Basil Thomson, Britain’s Director of Intelligence. It was partly filmed in a rush on location in war-torn Lithuania, as well as in a London studio. When it was exhibited, The Land of Mystery (1920) was described in The Bioscope trade journal as having ‘caused more discussion than any British film of the last five years’. However, no copy of the film survives. This article reconstructs the circumstances in which the film was made, and suggests that Shaw was compromised by the prejudices of Thomson and Said.

神秘之地 （1920） 是一部情节剧电影，改编自弗拉基米尔·列宁的虚构生活，由美国电影制片人哈罗德·马文·肖制作。邵逸夫此前曾在英国和南非制作过带有战时宣传内容的剧情片。《神秘之地》由俄罗斯流亡者鲍里斯·赛义德（Boris Said）资助，故事由英国情报总监巴兹尔·汤姆森（Basil Thomson）撰写。它部分是在饱受战争蹂躏的立陶宛以及伦敦的工作室匆忙拍摄的。当它展出时，《神秘之地》（The Land of Mystery，1920）在《生物镜》（The Bioscope）贸易杂志上被描述为“比过去五年中任何一部英国电影都引起更多的讨论”。然而，这部电影的拷贝没有幸存下来。本文重构了这部电影的制作环境，并暗示邵逸夫受到了汤姆森和赛义德的偏见的影响。

This article examines the self-reflexive discourses of deconstruction at work in the Jerry the Troublesome Tyke (1925–1927) series of cartoons created by Cardiff-based animator Sid Griffiths. Across the Pathé Pictorial series of forty animated shorts, Jerry’s screen persona was typically defined and developed through his routine battle with the artist’s working hands from which he was repeatedly conjured. This article contends that Griffiths’ Jerry series offered a more consistent and extreme mobilisation of early animation’s ‘hand of the artist’ trope than was present in Hollywood cartoons of this period, exemplified in the work Otto Messmer and Pat Sullivan’s Felix the Cat and the Fleischer Brothers’ Out of the Inkwell (1918–1929). By suggesting how the rhetoric of ‘self-figuration’ across the Jerry shorts achieved its impact not via the collision between visual registers but rather through a formal and narrative co-conspiracy that privileged intersection, overlap, and collusion, this article argues that Jerry the Troublesome Tyke’s mixed (and mixing) media aesthetic brought an enduring deconstructive mode of address to maturity within the early years of British animation.

本文探讨了卡迪夫动画师席德·格里菲斯（Sid Griffiths）创作的《麻烦的泰克杰瑞》（Jerry the Troublesome Tyke，1925-1927）系列漫画中解构的自我反思话语。在《Pathé Pictorial》系列的四十部动画短片中，Jerry的银幕形象通常是通过他与艺术家的双手的日常战斗来定义和发展的，他从中反复召唤出来。本文认为，格里菲斯的《杰瑞》系列比这一时期的好莱坞卡通片更一致、更极端地调动了早期动画的“艺术家之手”比喻，例如奥托·梅斯默和帕特·沙利文的作品《猫菲利克斯》和弗莱舍兄弟的《走出墨水瓶》（1918-1929）。通过暗示杰瑞短片中“自我形象化”的修辞如何不是通过视觉寄存器之间的碰撞，而是通过一种形式和叙事的共谋来实现其影响，这种共谋享有交叉、重叠和共谋的特权，本文认为，杰瑞的混合（和混合）媒体美学在英国动画的早期将一种持久的解构主义表达方式推向了成熟。

The British film production company, Cosmopolitan Productions Limited, was founded in October 1924 by Americans Harry A. Berg and Ivor M. Rosenbaum. In its short life, the company produced a series of 12 two-reel films under the umbrella title Haunted Houses and Castles of Great Britain. Berg employed George A. Banfield as scriptwriter and producer, as well as well-known film directors including Bert Cann, Maurice Elvey and Fred Paul. The series was trade shown in January 1926, with a general release in September. However, due to various financial problems, Cosmopolitan Productions filed for bankruptcy in February 1926. Using a variety of archival sources, this article will trace the rise and fall of Cosmopolitan Productions within the context of the turbulent British film industry of the mid-1920s. Furthermore, it will offer analysis of the surviving short films from the series including Hampton Court Palace, Kenilworth Castle and Amy Robstart and Warwick Castle in Feudal Days.

1924 年 10 月，英国人 Harry A. Berg 和 Ivor M. Rosenbaum 创立了英国电影制作公司 Cosmopolitan Productions Limited。在其短暂的生命中，该公司制作了一系列 12 部双卷轴电影，总标题为《大不列颠鬼屋和城堡》。伯格聘请了乔治·班菲尔德（George A. Banfield）担任编剧和制片人，以及伯特·坎恩（Bert Cann），莫里斯·埃尔维（Maurice Elvey）和弗雷德·保罗（Fred Paul）等知名电影导演。该系列于 1926 年 1 月上市，并于 9 月正式发行。然而，由于各种财务问题，Cosmopolitan Productions 于 1926 年 2 月申请破产。本文将利用各种档案资料，追溯 Cosmopolitan Productions 在 1920 年代中期动荡的英国电影业背景下的兴衰。此外，它还将对该系列中幸存的短片进行分析，包括汉普顿宫、凯尼尔沃思城堡和艾米·罗伯斯塔特以及封建时代的沃里克城堡。

A reinvestigation of Iris Barry’s work for the Daily Mail in the period 1925–30. Barry is celebrated as a critic and curator. As a founder of the Film Society in London in the 1920s and first curator of film at the Museum of Modern Art in New York in the 1930s she is a heroine of minority film culture. This article argues that her role in mass film culture has been overlooked. While it has been acknowledged that Barry wrote for the Daily Mail, one of Britain’s most popular newspapers, this article demonstrates that the number of articles she wrote for the paper has been underestimated by a factor of ten. Beyond the case of Barry, this article argues that elite institutions like the Film Society have been given undue credit for the phenomenon of ‘taking film seriously.’

对 Iris Barry 在 1925-30 年期间为《每日邮报》所做的工作的重新调查。巴里被誉为评论家和策展人。作为 1920 年代伦敦电影协会的创始人和 1930 年代纽约现代艺术博物馆的第一位电影策展人，她是少数民族电影文化的女英雄。本文认为，她在大众电影文化中的作用被忽视了。虽然人们承认巴里为英国最受欢迎的报纸之一《每日邮报》撰稿，但这篇文章表明，她为该报撰写的文章数量被低估了十倍。除了巴里的案例之外，本文还认为，像电影协会这样的精英机构因“认真对待电影”的现象而受到过分的赞誉。

The article discusses the London boarding house as setting and trope, in film, on stage and in literature, during the silent period. It identifies recurrent character types – notably, parsimonious and resentful landladies, resourceful skivvies and residents, both temporary and permanent, who are down on their luck and down at heel. Significantly, the boarding house recurrently displays a particular mise-en-scène. Films covered include Patricia Brent, Spinster (1919), Tilly of Bloomsbury (1921), Not for Sale (1924), Underground (1928), Daydreams (1928), The Vagabond Queen (1929) and A Cottage on Dartmoor (1929). Patrick Hamilton, this article suggests, is the pre-eminent figure in boarding house literature, from Craven House (1926) to Slaves of Solitude (1947). It also discusses returns to this London territory produced retrospectively and subsequent treatments of boarding house material, reinforcing an already established pattern.

本文讨论了伦敦寄宿公寓作为电影、舞台和文学中无声时期的背景和比喻。它确定了反复出现的角色类型——特别是吝啬和怨恨的女房东、足智多谋的小佬和临时和永久的居民，他们运气不好，脚跟不稳。值得注意的是，寄宿公寓经常展示一个特殊的mise-en-scène。涵盖的电影包括帕特里夏·布伦特（Patricia Brent），《旋转》（1919），《布鲁姆斯伯里的蒂莉》（1921），《非卖品》（1924），《地下》（1928），《白日梦》（1928），《流王》（1929）和《达特穆尔的小屋》（1929）。本文认为，帕特里克·汉密尔顿（Patrick Hamilton）是寄宿公寓文学中的杰出人物，从《克雷文之家》（1926）到《孤独的奴隶》（1947）。它还讨论了回顾性地制作的伦敦领土的回报以及随后对寄宿公寓材料的处理，加强了已经建立的模式。

The Tudor Cinema was situated in Leicester’s West End, a thriving working-class district less than a mile from the city centre. It was built in 1914 with 975 seats, expanded to 1,250 in the 1920s. The Tudor faced competition from newly opening super cinemas in and around the city centre during the 1920s and 1930s, but like most neighbourhood cinemas in Britain during this time, its audience was both local and loyal. The cinema’s ledgers have already been the subject of some considerable study. This article uses a digital, computational analysis to further enrich understanding of the economic realities of the cinema as a business, as well as the cinemagoing habits of its audience during the transition to sound. It takes the Tudor as a case study whose financial records provide an important and revealing window into audience behaviour and programming during the final years of silent cinema and the first years of sound. It also argues that concomitant factors – such as the shifts in rental arrangements and Entertainments Tax – were as impactful, and in some cases more so, than the arrival of sound on the fortunes of cinemas like the Tudor during the period.

都铎王朝电影院位于莱斯特的西区，这是一个繁荣的工人阶级区，距离市中心不到一英里。它建于 1914 年，拥有 975 个座位，在 1920 年代扩展到 1,250 个座位。在 1920 年代和 1930 年代，都铎王朝面临着来自市中心及其周边地区新开业的超级电影院的竞争，但与当时英国的大多数社区电影院一样，它的观众既是本地人又是忠实的。电影院的账本已经成为一些相当大的研究对象。本文使用数字计算分析来进一步丰富对电影作为一项业务的经济现实的理解，以及观众在向声音过渡期间的观影习惯。它以都铎王朝为案例研究，其财务记录为了解无声电影最后几年和有声电影最初几年的观众行为和节目提供了一个重要而富有启发性的窗口。它还认为，伴随而来的因素——如租金安排和娱乐税的转变——与声音的到来对都铎王朝等电影院的命运的影响一样大，在某些情况下甚至更大。

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