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写在前面
1.重点单词
maverick - 特立独行的人
relish - 享受,品味
anarcho-capitalism - 无政府资本主义
coercive - 强制性的
remnant - 残余,遗留
unsustainably - 不可持续地
dysfunctional - 功能失调的
predatory - 掠夺性的
zeal - 热情,热忱
mercurial - 善变的
explosive - 爆炸性的,易怒的
stalemate - 僵局
recriminations - 相互指责
conjure - 变戏法,虚构
pretext - 借口,托词
capitulation - 投降,屈服
humiliation - 羞辱,耻辱
free-market medicine - 自由市场疗法
public spending - 公共支出
red tape - 繁文缛节
country-risk index - 国家风险指数
larger-than-life - 非凡的,传奇的
individual liberty - 个人自由
economic freedom - 经济自由
fiscal discipline - 财政纪律
narrow interest - 狭隘利益
take office -就职
lop off -砍掉,削减
belt out -高声唱出
lump in with -将...归类为
at odds with -与...不一致
spin fantasies -编造幻想
go wrong -出错
fall into one's lap -轻而易举地得到
turn on -取决于
本周封面故事主要讨论了了乌克兰与俄罗斯可能展开的和平谈判。特朗普可能急于结束冲突,但简单的和平协议可能是灾难性的。普京可能利用谈判为再次入侵创造条件。然而,彻底投降并非唯一选择。乌克兰需要一个可信且持久的安全框架,以在停火期间重建经济、振兴政治并阻止俄罗斯的侵略。文章呼吁关注谈判背后的复杂局势,避免落入简单和平的陷阱。
Q: What attitude might Trump take towards the Ukraine conflict according to the article?
Q: What risks does the article suggest a simple peace deal might bring?
Q: According to the article, what should Ukraine focus on during a ceasefire?
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How we chose this week’s image
Our two covers this week feature an interview with the free-market maverick remaking Argentina, and an analysis of how Ukraine and its allies should approach talks with Russia.
Javier Milei relishes his status as the bad boy of anarcho-capitalism (though you have to wonder if it has many good boys). Speaking to our Latin America correspondent, Kinley Salmon, Argentina’s president said that he considers “the state to be a violent criminal organisation that lives from a coercive source of income called taxes, which are a remnant of slavery”.
He campaigned wielding a chainsaw, but his economic programme is serious and one of the most radical doses of free-market medicine since Thatcherism. What is more, a year after he was elected, it seems to be working.
Mr Milei is enjoying his best moment since taking office. Brandishing that chainsaw, he has lopped off a third of public spending in real terms, halved the number of ministries and cut through the red tape. Inflation spiked at 25% a month after he devalued the artificially and unsustainably strong peso. It is now under 3% per month. The JPMorgan country-risk index, an influential measure of the risk of default, has fallen from around 2,000 when he became president in December 2023 to about 750 now, its lowest in five years.
The chainsaw is a bit cartoonish, however. Although Mr Milei is a larger-than-life character, running an exceptional country that has suffered more than most from a dysfunctional and predatory state, he has lessons for the world.
Here he is belting out his message. Mr Milei is often lumped in with populist politicians such as Donald Trump or Viktor Orban. In fact he comes from a different tradition. A true believer in open markets and individual liberty, he has a quasi-religious zeal for economic freedom.
We favoured an image that does less to distract from our use of one of the interview’s many arresting quotes as the title. The left detests Mr Milei and the Trumpian right embraces him, but in fact he is at odds with both. He has shown that the continual expansion of the state is not inevitable. And he is a rebuke to opportunistic populism, of the sort practised by Mr Trump. He believes in free trade and free markets, not protectionism; fiscal discipline, not reckless borrowing; and, instead of spinning popular fantasies, brutal public truth-telling.
Much could go wrong in Mr Milei’s Argentina. Poverty is growing, the peso is overvalued and the president is a mercurial and explosive character. But, just now, Mileinarianism is worth watching.
Donald Trump has made clear that, as president, he will be impatient for the shooting to stop in Ukraine. At the same time, Russia’s grinding advance has exposed weaknesses in manpower and morale that could eventually lead to a collapse in Ukraine’s lines. In a conflict that once looked like a stalemate, peace talks beckon—and the common worry is that Mr Trump will use them to impose a disastrous deal on Ukraine.
Our first ideas sought to convey the arrival of diplomacy. In one, the missile is morphing into a fountain pen. In the other, two presidents are balanced on a shell.
The hawk of peace gets this message across, but it feels remote. The tank at a crossroads suggests a moment of decision is afoot, but it points to the battlefield rather than negotiations.
Capitulation to Mr Putin is not inevitable, nor even the likeliest outcome. It would be a public defeat for America and it would spill over into Asia, where the next administration is focusing. And Mr Trump would surely want to avoid the humiliation of being known as the man who lost Ukraine by being out-negotiated by Mr Putin. It is in his own narrow interest to forge a deal that keeps Ukraine safe for at least the four years of his term. In that time Ukraine can accomplish a lot.
To thrive, Ukraine will require political and economic stability, both of which will depend on being safe from Russian aggression. That is why the talks will turn on how to devise a credible and durable framework for Ukrainian security.
Here is the negotiating table. It is cold and wintry. Ukraine, sitting across from Russia, would be alarmingly exposed.
A ceasefire would present two competing visions of Ukraine’s future. Mr Putin’s calculation is that he will win from a deal because Ukraine will rot, Russia will re-arm and the West will lose interest. But imagine that, with Western backing, Ukraine used the lull to rebuild its economy, refresh its politics and deter Russia from aggression. The task is to ensure that this vision prevails over its grim alternative.