III. SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
三、社会主义与共产主义文学
1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM
1.反动社会主义
A. Feudal Socialism
A.封建社会主义
Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political contest was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible.
由于他们的历史地位，写反对现代资产阶级社会的小册子成为法国和英国贵族的职业。在1830年7月的法国大革命和英国的改革运动中，这些贵族再次屈服于可恶的暴发户。从那时起，一场严肃的政治竞赛就完全不可能了。一场单独的文学斗争仍然是可能的。但即使在文学领域，复辟时期的旧呐喊也变得不可能了。
In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.
为了引起同情，贵族们显然不得不忽视自己的利益，只为了被剥削的工人阶级的利益而对资产阶级提出控诉。因此，贵族们对他们的新主人唱起了讽刺的歌，并在他耳边低语着即将到来的灾难的险恶预言，以此来进行报复。
In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart’s core; but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.
封建社会主义就是这样产生的：一半哀叹，一半讽刺；一半是过去的回声，一半是未来的威胁；有时，它的尖锐、诙谐和尖锐的批评，把资产阶级打到了骨子里；但由于完全无法理解现代历史的进程，其效果总是滑稽可笑。
The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.
贵族们为了团结人民，在前面挥舞着无产阶级的救济袋，当作一面旗帜。但是人们，当他们加入他们的时候，常常看到他们的后躯上有旧的封建纹章，就大声而不敬地大笑起来。
One section of the French Legitimists and “Young England” exhibited this spectacle.
法国立法主义者和“年轻的英格兰”的一部分展示了这一奇观。
In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different, and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.
封建主义者指出他们的剥削方式不同于资产阶级的剥削方式，却忘记了他们是在完全不同的环境和条件下进行剥削的，而这些环境和条件现在已经过时了。在表明在他们的统治下，现代无产阶级从未存在过的时候，他们忘记了现代资产阶级是他们自己社会形式的必然产物。
For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society.
至于其他人，他们几乎不掩饰他们批评的反动性质，他们对资产阶级的主要指责就是这样，在资产阶级政权下正在发展一个阶级，这个阶级注定要把旧的社会秩序割裂开来。
What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.
他们谴责资产阶级的，与其说是它创造了无产阶级，不如说是它造就了革命的无产阶级。
In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.
因此，在政治实践中，他们加入了针对工人阶级的所有强制性措施；在日常生活中，尽管他们的措辞很虚伪，但他们还是弯腰捡起从工业之树上掉下来的金苹果，用真理、爱和荣誉换取羊毛、甜菜根糖和土豆精。
As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.
牧师与地主是齐头并进的，牧师社会主义与封建社会主义也是如此。
Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the State? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.
没有什么比赋予基督教禁欲主义社会主义色彩更容易的了。难道基督教不是宣称反对私有财产、反对婚姻、反对国家吗？它不是在这些地方传教吗，慈善与贫困，独身与肉体的屈辱，修道院生活和圣母教堂？基督教社会主义不过是牧师用来祝圣贵族心灵燃烧的圣水。
B. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism
B.小资产阶级社会主义
The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed, industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie.
封建贵族不是被资产阶级破坏的唯一阶级，也不是在现代资产阶级社会氛围中生存条件枯萎和灭亡的唯一阶级。中世纪的市民和小农主是现代资产阶级的前身。在那些工业和商业都很不发达的国家里，这两个阶级仍然与正在崛起的资产阶级并肩生活。
In countries where modern civilisation has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as modern industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to be replaced, in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.
在现代文明已经充分发展的国家里，一个新的小资产阶级已经形成，在无产阶级和资产阶级之间波动，并不断更新自己，成为资产阶级社会的补充部分。然而，这一阶层的个体成员不断地被竞争行为推向无产阶级，随着现代工业的发展，他们甚至看到了一个时刻即将到来，他们将作为现代社会的一个独立部分完全消失，在制造业、农业和商业中被统治者、法警和商人所取代。
In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France but also in England.
在法国这种农民占人口一半以上的国家，站在无产阶级一边反对资产阶级的作家，在批评资产阶级政权时，自然要用农民和小资产阶级的标准，站在中间阶级的立场上，为工人阶级拿起大棒。小资产阶级社会主义就这样产生了。西斯蒙迪是这所学校的校长，不仅在法国，在英国也是如此。
This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labour; the concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.
这个社会主义学派非常尖锐地剖析了现代生产条件下的矛盾。它揭露了经济学家虚伪的道歉。毫无疑问，它证明了机械和劳动分工的灾难性影响；资本和土地集中在少数人手中；生产过剩和危机；它指出了小资产阶级和农民不可避免的灭亡，无产阶级的悲惨，生产的无政府状态，财富分配的巨大不平等，民族之间的 工业战争的灭绝，旧的道德纽带，旧的家庭关系，旧的民族的解体。
In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange, within the framework of the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.
然而，在其积极的目标中，这种形式的社会主义要么渴望恢复旧的生产和交换手段，以及与它们的旧的财产关系和旧社会，要么渴望在已经并注定要被这些手段破坏的旧财产关系的框架内束缚现代生产和交换方式。无论哪种情况，它都是反动的和乌托邦的。
Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture, patriarchal relations in agriculture.
它的最后一句话是：制造业的企业公会，农业中的父权关系。
Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in a miserable fit of the blues.
最终，当顽固的历史事实驱散了自欺欺人的所有令人陶醉的影响时，这种形式的社会主义以一种悲惨的忧郁告终。
C. German, or “True,” Socialism
德国，或“真正的”社会主义
The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie, in that country, had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.
法国的社会主义和共产主义文学，是在当权的资产阶级的压力下产生的，是反对这种力量的斗争的表现，是在该国资产阶级刚刚开始与封建专制主义竞争的时候传入德国的。
German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits, eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting, that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of “Practical Reason” in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the law of pure Will, of Will as it was bound to be, of true human Will generally.
德国哲学家、未来的哲学家和哲学家们热切地研究着这些文学，却忘记了，当这些作品从法国传到德国时，法国的社会条件并没有随之移民。在与德国社会条件的接触中，这部法国文学失去了直接的现实意义，呈现出纯粹的文学形态。因此，对18世纪的德国哲学家来说，第一次法国大革命的要求只不过是“实践理性”的要求，而革命的法国资产阶级的意志在他们眼中象征着纯粹意志的法则，也就是必然的意志，以及普遍的真正人类意志的法则。
The world of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the new French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view.
德国文人的世界完全在于使新的法国思想与他们古老的哲学良知相和谐，或者更确切地说，在不放弃自己哲学观点的情况下吞并法国思想。
This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated, namely, by translation.
这种吞并的发生方式与挪用外语的方式相同，即通过翻译。
It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this process with the profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French criticism of the economic functions of money, they wrote “Alienation of Humanity,” and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they wrote “dethronement of the Category of the General,” and so forth.
众所周知，僧侣们是如何在写有古代异教徒经典著作的手稿上写下天主教圣徒的愚蠢生活的。德国文人用世俗的法国文学扭转了这一进程。他们把哲学上的胡言乱语写在法语原文下面。例如，在法国对货币经济功能的批评之下，他们写了《人性的异化》，在法国批评资产阶级国家之下，他们又写了《废黜将军类》等等。
The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they dubbed “Philosophy of Action,” “True Socialism,” “German Science of Socialism,” “Philosophical Foundation of Socialism,” and so on.
在法国历史批评的背后引入这些哲学短语，他们称之为“行动哲学”、“真正的社会主义”、“德国社会主义科学”、“社会主义的哲学基础”等等。
The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of having overcome “French one-sidedness” and of representing, not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of Human Nature, of Man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy.
因此，法国社会主义和共产主义文学被彻底阉割了。而且，由于表达一个阶级与另一个阶级的斗争不再掌握在德国人手中，他感到自己已经克服了“法国的片面性”，并代表了真理的要求，而不是真正的要求；不是无产阶级的利益，而是人性的利益，是一般人的利益，他们不属于任何阶级，不存在于现实中，只存在于哲学幻想的朦胧境界中。
This German Socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.
这个德国社会主义如此严肃地对待其学生时代的任务，并以如此装腔作势的方式赞美其可怜的贸易存量，与此同时，它逐渐失去了学究般的天真。
The fight of the German, and especially, of the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal movement, became more earnest.
德国人，尤其是普鲁士资产阶级，反对封建贵族和绝对君主制的斗争，换言之，自由主义运动，变得更加激烈。
By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to “True” Socialism of confronting the political movement with the Socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.
通过这一点，为“真正的”社会主义提供了长期希望的机会，即用社会主义的要求来对抗政治运动，对自由主义、代议制政府、资产阶级竞争、资产阶级新闻自由、资产阶级立法、资产阶级自由与平等，并向群众宣传他们在这场资产阶级运动中没有任何好处，只会丧失一切。
To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.
对于拥有牧师、教授、乡绅和官员追随者的绝对政府来说，它是对抗具有威胁性的资产阶级的最受欢迎的稻草人。
It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German working-class risings.
这是一个甜蜜的结局，在经历了鞭笞和子弹的痛苦之后，这些政府，就在那时，对德国工人阶级的起义进行了镇压。
While this “True” Socialism thus served the governments as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German Philistines. In Germany the petty bourgeois class, a relique of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things.
虽然这种“真正的”社会主义因此成为政府对抗德国资产阶级的武器，但它同时直接代表了反动利益，即德国实利主义者的利益。在德国，小资产阶级是16世纪的一种遗物，从那时起，它以各种形式不断出现，是现有事物的真正社会基础。
To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things in Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. “True” Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic.
维护这个阶级就是维护德国现有的现状。资产阶级在工业和政治上的至高无上地位使它受到某种毁灭性的威胁；一方面，来自资本的集中；另一方面是革命无产阶级的崛起。“真正的”社会主义似乎一举两得。它像流行病一样传播。
The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry “eternal truths,” all skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public. And on its part, German Socialism recognised, more and more, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois Philistine.
这件由投机蛛网编织而成的长袍上绣着华丽的辞藻，浸泡在病态情感的露水中，这件超然的长袍上，德国社会党人裹着他们令人遗憾的“永恒真理”，皮包骨头，极大地增加了他们的商品在公众中的销量。就德国社会主义而言，它越来越承认自己的使命是小资产阶级非利士人的夸夸其谈的代表。
It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, Socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme length of directly opposing the “brutally destructive” tendency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature.
它宣称德意志民族是模范民族，德意志小非利士人是其中的典型。对于这个模范人的每一个邪恶的卑鄙行为，它都给出了一个隐藏的、更高级的社会主义解释，这与它的真实性格完全相反。它走到了极端的地步，直接反对共产主义的“残酷破坏性”倾向，并宣布其对所有阶级斗争的最高和公正的蔑视。除了极少数例外，现在（1847年）在德国流通的所有所谓的社会主义和共产主义出版物都属于这种肮脏和令人衰弱的文学领域。
2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM
2.保守的或资产阶级的社会主义
A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society.
资产阶级的一部分人希望平反社会的冤屈，以保证资产阶级社会的继续存在。
To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organisers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems.
这一部分属于经济学家、慈善家、人道主义者、工人阶级状况的改善者、慈善活动的组织者、防止虐待动物协会的成员、禁酒狂热者、各种各样的角落改革者。而且，这种形式的社会主义已经形成了完整的体系。
We may cite Proudhon’s Philosophie de la Misère as an example of this form.
我们可以引用普劳东的《哲学》作为这种形式的一个例子。
The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.
社会主义资产阶级要的是现代社会条件的一切优点，而不是必然产生的斗争和危险。他们渴望社会的现有状态减去革命和瓦解的因素。他们希望有一个没有无产阶级的资产阶级。资产阶级自然而然地设想了一个世界，在这个世界里，资产阶级是至高无上的；资产阶级社会主义把这个舒服的概念发展成各种或多或少完整的体系。要求无产阶级实行这样一种制度，从而直接进入社会的新耶路撒冷，实际上要求无产阶级保持在现有社会的范围内，但要抛弃一切关于资产阶级的仇恨思想。
A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class, by showing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic relations, could be of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work, of bourgeois government.
这种社会主义的第二种更实际但不那么系统的形式试图贬低工人阶级眼中的每一场革命运动，通过表明不仅仅是政治改革，而且现存物质生活条件和经济关系的改变，对工人阶级都没有任何好处。
Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech.
当资产阶级社会主义仅仅成为一种修辞手法时，它就得到了充分的表达。
Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois Socialism.
自由贸易：为了工人阶级的利益。保护义务：为了工人阶级的利益。监狱改革：为了工人阶级的利益。这是资产阶级社会主义的最后一句话，也是唯一认真的一句话。
It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois—for the benefit of the working class.
概括起来就是：资产阶级就是资产阶级，是为了工人阶级的利益。
3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM
3.批判性的空想社会主义与共产主义
We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.
在这里，我们并不是指在每一次伟大的现代革命中，总是为无产阶级要求发声的文学，例如巴贝夫和其他人的作品。
The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form.
无产阶级为达到自己的目的而进行的第一次直接尝试，是在普遍激动的时代，当封建社会被推翻时，这些尝试必然失败了，这是由于当时无产阶级的不发达状态，以及缺乏解放的经济条件，这些条件尚未产生，并且可能仅由即将到来的资产阶级时代产生。伴随着无产阶级第一次运动的革命文学，必然具有反动性质。它以最粗糙的形式灌输了普遍的禁欲主义和社会平等。
The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois and Proletarians).
所谓的社会主义和共产主义制度，即圣西门、傅立叶、欧文和其他人的制度，是在上述无产阶级和资产阶级斗争的早期未发展时期产生的（见第一节,资产阶级和无产阶级）。
The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as well as the action of the decomposing elements, in the prevailing form of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement.
事实上，这些制度的创始人看到了社会主流形式中的阶级对立以及分解元素的行动。但是，还处于萌芽阶段的无产阶级为他们提供了一个没有任何历史主动性或任何独立政治运动的阶级的景象。
Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws, that are to create these conditions.
由于阶级对立的发展同工业的发展是同步的，他们所发现的经济状况还没有为他们提供无产阶级解放的物质条件。因此，他们寻求一种新的社会科学，寻求新的社会法律，以创造这些条件。
Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous class-organisation of the proletariat to the organisation of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans.
历史行动将屈服于他们个人的创造性行动，历史创造的解放条件屈服于奇妙的解放条件；无产阶级逐渐自发的阶级组织屈服于这些发明者专门设计的社会组织。在他们看来，未来的历史自然分解为他们社会计划的宣传和实际实施。
In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them.
在制定计划时，他们意识到主要关心工人阶级的利益，因为工人阶级是最痛苦的阶级。只有从最痛苦的阶级的角度来看，无产阶级才是为他们而存在的。
The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favoured. Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society?
阶级斗争的未发展状态，以及他们自己的环境，导致这类社会党人认为自己远远优于所有阶级对立。他们希望改善每个社会成员的状况，甚至是最受欢迎的人的状况。因此，他们习惯性地迎合整个社会，不分阶级；不，更倾向于统治阶级。因为人们一旦了解了自己的制度，怎么会看不到社会最佳状态的最佳计划呢？
Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel.
因此，他们拒绝一切政治行动，尤其是一切革命行动；他们希望通过和平手段达到目的，并通过注定要失败的小实验，通过榜样的力量，努力为新的社会福音铺平道路。
Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantastic conception of its own position correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society.
这些关于未来社会的奇妙画面，是在无产阶级还处于一个非常不发达的状态，对自己的地位只有一个奇妙的概念的时候，这与该阶级对社会全面重建的最初本能渴望是一致的。
But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures proposed in them—such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a mere superintendence of production, all these proposals, point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognised in their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore, are of a purely Utopian character.
但这些社会主义和共产主义出版物也包含了一个关键因素。他们攻击现有社会的每一项原则。因此，它们充满了对工人阶级启蒙最有价值的材料。其中提出的实际措施，例如取消城镇和乡村之间的区别，取消家庭，取消为个人经营工业，取消工资制度，宣布社会和谐，将国家职能转变为仅仅监督生产，所有这些建议，只指出阶级对立的消失，而阶级对立在当时才刚刚出现，在这些出版物中，只以其最早的、模糊的和未定义的形式得到承认。因此，这些建议纯属乌托邦性质。
The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears an inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical value and all theoretical justification. Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They still dream of experimental realisation of their social Utopias, of founding isolated “phalansteres,” of establishing “Home Colonies,” of setting up a “Little Icaria”—duodecimo editions of the New Jerusalem—and to realise all these castles in the air, they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science.
批判性空想社会主义和共产主义的意义与历史发展有着相反的关系。随着现代阶级斗争的发展和确定，这种脱离竞争的幻想，这些对它的幻想攻击，失去了所有的现实价值和理论依据。因此，尽管这些制度的创始人在许多方面是革命的，但他们的门徒在任何情况下都只是反动派。他们坚持自己主人的独到见解，反对无产阶级的进步历史发展。因此，他们不断地努力平息阶级斗争，调和阶级对立。他们仍然梦想着实验性地实现他们的社会乌托邦，建立孤立的“方阵”，建立“家园殖民地”，建立一个“小伊卡里亚”——新耶路撒冷的十进制版本——为了实现所有这些空中楼阁，他们不得不诉诸资产阶级的情感和钱包。他们逐渐归入上述反动保守的社会党人的范畴，与他们不同的只是更系统的迂腐，以及他们对社会科学奇迹效果的狂热和迷信。
They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the new Gospel.
因此，他们强烈反对工人阶级的一切政治行动；根据他们的说法，这种行为只能源于新福音中盲目的不信。
The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, oppose the Chartists and the “Réformistes.”
在英国，有欧文主义者反对宪章派，在法国，有傅立叶主义者反对改革派。
