阅读权威外刊对川普的抨击报道,我读到了雅思写作的核心思维,学会使用,让你的写作不同反响!

文摘   教育   2024-10-22 06:13   加拿大  


在雅思写作中,一项很重要的思维就是批判性思维。它不仅帮助考生深入理解题目、分析信息,还促进了写作的结构化和逻辑性。批判性思维鼓励考生形成独立见解,并在写作过程中进行自我反思和改进,从而提升文章的质量。掌握批判性思维,使考生能够有效地组织和表达观点,在雅思考试中获得更高的分数,进而为其学术和职业发展打下坚实的基础。


最近,我阅读了《大西洋月刊》(The Atlantic)的一篇文章,标题为《特朗普的语言像希特勒、斯大林和墨索里尼》(Trump Is Speaking Like Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini)。作为一本成立于1857年的权威杂志,《大西洋月刊》以其深入的分析和高质量的写作而闻名,涵盖政治、文化、经济等多个领域。这篇文章深入探讨了前总统特朗普在其政治言辞中使用的去人性化语言,指出这种语言与历史上独裁者的修辞相似。作者Anne Applebaum通过丰富的历史背景和实例,展示了这种语言的潜在危险及其对美国政治文化的影响。接下来,我将分析这篇文章中批判性思维的运用,探讨其对写作的启示。


雅思写作中体现批判性思维的方式

1. 明确的论点 / Clear Thesis Statement

  • 确保在开头段落中明确表述你的观点或论点。这不仅告诉读者你的立场,还为整个文章提供了方向。

    例子: “虽然社交媒体在现代社会中起到了连接人们的作用,但它们也造成了个人隐私的严重侵害。”

    "While social media plays a role in connecting people in modern society, it also poses serious threats to personal privacy."

2. 多角度分析 / Multi-Faceted Analysis

  • 在论述某个问题时,考虑多个视角和不同的立场。这可以帮助你全面分析问题,并展示出对复杂性和多样性的理解。

例子: “虽然一些人认为快速的城市化会促进经济发展,但另一些人则指出,这可能导致环境恶化和社会不平等。”

"While some argue that rapid urbanization promotes economic growth, others point out that it may lead to environmental degradation and social inequality."

3. 使用数据和实例 / Use of Data and Examples

  • 在支持你论点的过程中,引用可靠的数据、研究结果或实际案例,以增强论据的可信度。

"According to a study, over 60% of young people reported that social media has a negative impact on their mental health."

例子: “根据一项研究,超过60%的年轻人表示,社交媒体对他们的心理健康产生了负面影响。”


4. 考虑反对意见 / Consider Counterarguments

  • 主动识别和回应反对意见,展现你对不同观点的理解和尊重。这不仅能增强你论证的深度,还能展示你批判性思维的能力。

"Although some believe that using social media helps promote social interaction, we cannot overlook the loneliness and anxiety it may cause."

例子: “尽管有人认为使用社交媒体有助于促进社会交往,但我们不能忽视它所带来的孤独感和焦虑。” 

5. 逻辑推理 / Logical Reasoning

  • 在论证中使用逻辑推理,确保观点和例证之间有清晰的联系。使用逻辑连接词使论点更具连贯性。

"Therefore, while social media can make it easier for people to connect, it may also lead to superficial relationships and alienation."

例子: “因此,虽然社交媒体能让人们更容易联系,但它也可能导致人际关系的表面化和疏远。”

6. 道德和社会责任的考量 / Consideration of Moral and Social Responsibility

  • 在讨论问题时,考虑道德和社会责任,分析其对个人和社会的影响。

例子: “面对社交媒体的影响,作为社会的一员,我们有责任促进数字素养,帮助人们更好地使用这些工具。”

"In light of social media’s influence, we have a responsibility as members of society to promote digital literacy and help people use these tools more effectively."


7. 总结与展望 / Summary and Outlook

  • 在结尾段落中,总结主要观点,并展望未来的发展。这展示了你对问题的深刻思考和对未来可能性的考虑。

"Overall, the influence of social media is complex, and we must continue to research and discuss it to ensure that it fosters social connection without harming our mental health."

例子: “总体而言,社交媒体的影响是复杂的,我们必须继续研究和讨论,以确保其在促进社会连接的同时,不会损害我们的心理健康。”


通过这些方式,你可以在雅思写作中有效地体现批判性思维。这不仅能帮助你构建更具说服力的论证,还能使你的文章在逻辑性、深度和复杂性上更具竞争力。


同样, 在《Trump Is Speaking Like Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini》一文中,作者Anne Applebaum通过多种方式运用批判性思维,深入分析了特朗普所使用的去人性化语言及其潜在影响。她不仅结合了历史背景和具体实例,还通过逻辑推理和对比分析,揭示了这些言辞与过去独裁者的相似之处,从而有效地阐明了去人性化语言可能带来的社会危害。这种批判性思维的运用使文章的论点更具说服力,也促使读者对这种语言的影响进行深刻反思。


1. 明确的论点 / Clear Thesis Statement

在文章的开头,Anne Applebaum 清晰地表明了她的观点,即特朗普的语言使用带有去人性化的特征,这在美国总统政治中是前所未有的。她通过引入历史背景,指出这种语言的危险性。

例子:她开篇提到,“这语言不仅丑陋和令人反感:这些词属于一种特定的传统。”

“This language isn’t merely ugly or repellent: These words belong to a particular tradition.”

这种明确的论点为整个文章设定了框架,使读者清楚她的立场。

2. 多角度分析 / Multi-Faceted Analysis

Applebaum 不仅分析特朗普的语言,还回顾了历史上使用类似语言的其他独裁者,如希特勒和斯大林。她展示了这种语言的历史根源,提供了多重视角。

例子:她提到希特勒称犹太人为“虱子”,暗示其非人性。

“In occupied Warsaw, a 1941 poster displayed a drawing of a louse with a caricature of a Jewish face.”

这种多角度的分析帮助读者理解特朗普语言的深层含义。

3. 使用数据和实例 / Use of Data and Examples

Applebaum 通过引用历史实例来增强她的论点,显示出这种语言在不同政治背景下的应用。

例子:她引用斯大林称对手为“人民的敌人”,这使其反对派在法律上没有权利。

“He called his opponents the ‘enemies of the people,’ implying that they were not citizens and that they enjoyed no rights.”

这些具体的例子使读者更容易理解她的论点。


4. 考虑反对意见 / Consider Counterarguments

在文章中,Applebaum 虽未直接回应反对意见,但她通过展现特朗普的语言与传统政治的区别,暗示这种做法的危险性。

例子:“Even George Wallace’s notorious, racist, neo-Confederate 1963 speech avoided such language.”

她提到以往的政治家,如乔治·华莱士,虽然言辞激烈,但并未使用去人性化的语言。这显示出她对历史的深刻理解,进一步强化了她的论点。

5. 逻辑推理 / Logical Reasoning

Applebaum 在文章中运用逻辑推理,阐释去人性化语言的影响和后果。她清晰地阐述了如果将反对派描绘为“害虫”,那么就可以更容易地剥夺他们的权利。

例子:“If they are parasites, they aren’t human.”

           “如果他们是寄生虫,他们就不是人。”

这种推理不仅逻辑严密,也使读者感受到语言使用的危险性。

例子: “If you connect your opponents with disease, illness, and poisoned blood, if you dehumanize them as insects or animals… then you can much more easily arrest them, deprive them of rights, exclude them, or even kill them.”

“如果将对手与疾病、病痛和毒血联系在一起,若将他们去人性化为昆虫或动物……那么你就可以更容易地逮捕他们、剥夺他们的权利、将他们排除,甚至杀死他们。”

分析: 在这段文字中,作者通过逻辑推理揭示了去人性化语言的结果,批判性地探讨这种语言如何在历史上导致暴力和压迫。这样的分析不仅展示了作者的深刻见解,也提醒读者警惕类似的言辞。


6. 道德和社会责任的考量 / Consideration of Moral and Social Responsibility

Applebaum 通过分析特朗普的语言对社会的影响,强调了政治语言使用的道德责任。

例子:她提到特朗普的言辞引导人们接受暴力的想法。

“By calling for mass violence, he hints at his admiration for these dictatorships but also demonstrates disdain for the rule of law.”这种道德考量引发读者对言辞影响的反思。

7. 总结与展望 / Summary and Outlook

在结尾,Applebaum 总结了特朗普的语言如何打破了美国政治的常规,并警告其潜在的后果。

例子:她指出,“特朗普正在冒险——有意识地和愤世嫉俗地——认为我们不会抵抗。”

“Trump is gambling—knowingly and cynically—that we are not.”这种展望不仅提醒读者关注当前政治语言的变化,也引发对未来政治文化的担忧。


综上所述,Anne Applebaum 在《Trump Is Speaking Like Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini》一文中运用了多种批判性思维的手段。通过明确的论点、多角度分析、实例引用、逻辑推理以及道德考量,她有效地展示了特朗普语言的危险性。这些策略不仅增强了她的论证力,也为读者提供了深刻的反思。这样的批判性思维在英语写作中是十分宝贵的,尤其在雅思写作中,能帮助考生展现出更高层次的思维能力和逻辑分析能力。






附中英文全文
Trump Is Speaking Like Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini
川普的语言如同希特勒、斯大林和墨索里尼


The former president has brought dehumanizing language into American presidential politics.
前总统将去人性化的语言带入了美国总统政治中。

By Anne Applebaum
作者:安妮·阿普尔鲍姆
Rhetoric has a history. The words democracy and tyranny were debated in ancient Greece; the phrase separation of powers became important in the 17th and 18th centuries.
修辞是有历史的。民主和暴政这两个词在古希腊就已经被辩论过;“权力分立”这一短语在17和18世纪变得重要。
The word vermin, as a political term, dates from the 1930s and ’40s, when both fascists and communists liked to describe their political enemies as vermin, parasites, and blood infections, as well as insects, weeds, dirt, and animals.
“害虫”这个词作为政治术语可以追溯到20世纪30年代和40年代,当时法西斯和共产党人都喜欢把他们的政治敌人称为害虫、寄生虫和血液感染者,以及昆虫、杂草、污垢和动物。
The term has been revived and reanimated, in an American presidential campaign, with Donald Trump’s description of his opponents as “radical-left thugs” who “live like vermin.”
在美国总统竞选中,这个词被复兴和再生,唐纳德·特朗普称他的对手为“激进的左翼暴徒”,他们“就像害虫一样生活”。
This language isn’t merely ugly or repellent: These words belong to a particular tradition.
这种语言不仅丑陋或令人厌恶:这些词属于一个特定的传统。

Adolf Hitler used these kinds of terms often. In 1938, he praised his compatriots who had helped “cleanse Germany of all those parasites who drank at the well of the despair of the Fatherland and the People.”
阿道夫·希特勒经常使用这种语言。1938年,他称赞帮助“清除德国所有那些饮用祖国与人民绝望之井的寄生虫”的同胞们。

In occupied Warsaw, a 1941 poster displayed a drawing of a louse with a caricature of a Jewish face. The slogan: “Jews are lice: they cause typhus.”
在被占领的华沙,一张1941年的海报上展示了一只虱子的画,上面画着一个犹太人面部的漫画。标语是:“犹太人是虱子:他们引起伤寒。”

Germans, by contrast, were clean, pure, healthy, and vermin-free. Hitler once described the Nazi flag as “the victorious sign of freedom and the purity of our blood.”
相比之下,德国人是干净、纯洁、健康且没有害虫的。希特勒曾将纳粹旗帜描述为“自由和我们血液纯洁的胜利象征”。
Stalin used the same kind of language at about the same time. He called his opponents the “enemies of the people,” implying that they were not citizens and that they enjoyed no rights.
斯大林在差不多同一时期也使用了类似的语言。他称他的对手为“人民的敌人”,暗示他们不是公民,并且没有任何权利。

He portrayed them as vermin, pollution, filth that had to be “subjected to ongoing purification,” and he inspired his fellow communists to employ similar rhetoric.
他将他们描绘为害虫、污染和污垢,必须“进行持续的净化”,并激励他的共产主义同僚使用类似的修辞。

In my files, I have the notes from a 1955 meeting of the leaders of the Stasi, the East German secret police, during which one of them called for a struggle against “vermin activities” (there is, inevitably, a German word for this: Schädlingstätigkeiten), by which he meant the purge and arrest of the regime’s critics.
在我的文件中,有1955年东德秘密警察斯塔西领导人会议的笔记,其中一位领导呼吁开展“害虫活动”(这一说法不可避免地有一个德文单词:Schädlingstätigkeiten),他所指的是清洗和逮捕政权的批评者。

In this same era, the Stasi forcibly moved suspicious people away from the border with West Germany, a project nicknamed “Operation Vermin.”
在同一时期,斯塔西还强行将可疑人员移离与西德的边界,这个项目被称为“害虫行动”。
This kind of language was not limited to Europe. Mao Zedong also described his political opponents as “poisonous weeds.”
这种语言并不限于欧洲。毛泽东也将他的政治对手称为“有毒的杂草”。

Pol Pot spoke of “cleansing” hundreds of thousands of his compatriots so that Cambodia would be “purified.”
波尔布特谈到“净化”数十万同胞,以便柬埔寨能够“得到净化”。
In each of these very different societies, the purpose of this kind of rhetoric was the same.
在这些截然不同的社会中,这种修辞的目的都是相同的。

If you connect your opponents with disease, illness, and poisoned blood, if you dehumanize them as insects or animals, if you speak of squashing them or cleansing them as if they were pests or bacteria, then you can much more easily arrest them, deprive them of rights, exclude them, or even kill them.
如果你把你的对手与疾病、病痛和毒血联系在一起,如果你将他们去人性化,视作昆虫或动物,如果你谈论要压制他们或将他们像害虫或细菌一样清除,那么你就可以更容易地逮捕他们、剥夺他们的权利、将他们排除,甚至杀死他们。

If they are parasites, they aren’t human. If they are vermin, they don’t get to enjoy freedom of speech, or freedoms of any kind.
如果他们是寄生虫,他们就不是人类。如果他们是害虫,他们就无法享有言论自由或任何自由。
And if you squash them, you won’t be held accountable.
如果你压制他们,你就不会被追究责任。
Until recently, this kind of language was not a normal part of American presidential politics.
直到最近,这种语言并不是美国总统政治中的常态。

Even George Wallace’s notorious, racist, neo-Confederate 1963 speech, his inaugural speech as Alabama governor and the prelude to his first presidential campaign, avoided such language.
即使是乔治·华莱士1963年臭名昭著的种族主义、新南方主义的演讲,他作为阿拉巴马州州长的就职演说,以及他首次总统竞选的序幕,都避免使用这种语言。

Wallace called for “segregation today, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”
华莱士呼吁“今天隔离,明天隔离,永远隔离。”

But he did not speak of his political opponents as “vermin” or talk about them poisoning the nation’s blood.
但他并没有称呼他的政治对手为“害虫”,或谈论他们对国家血液的污染。

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066, which ordered Japanese Americans into internment camps following the outbreak of World War II, spoke of “alien enemies” but not parasites.
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的行政命令9066在第二次世界大战爆发后,将日裔美国人送入拘留营,提到了“外星敌人”,但没有提到寄生虫。
In the 2024 campaign, that line has been crossed.
在2024年的竞选中,这条界限被越过。

Trump blurs the distinction between illegal immigrants and legal immigrants—the latter including his wife, his late ex-wife, the in-laws of his running mate, and many others.
特朗普模糊了非法移民与合法移民之间的界限——后者包括他的妻子、已故的前妻、他的副手的家人和许多人。

He has said of immigrants, “They’re poisoning the blood of our country” and “They’re destroying the blood of our country.”
他曾说移民“正在毒害我们国家的血液”,并且“正在摧毁我们国家的血液”。

He has claimed that many have “bad genes.”
他声称许多人“有坏基因”。

He has also been more explicit: “They’re not humans; they’re animals”; they are “cold-blooded killers.”
他还更加直白地说:“他们不是人类;他们是动物”;他们是“冷血杀手”。

He refers more broadly to his opponents—American citizens, some of whom are elected officials—as “the enemy from within … sick people, radical-left lunatics.”

他更广泛地称他的对手——美国公民,其中一些是当选官员——为“内心的敌人……生病的人,激进的左翼疯子”。

Not only do they have no rights; they should be “handled by,” he has said, “if necessary, National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military.”
他们不仅没有权利;他曾表示,他们应该由“必要时,国民警卫队,或如果真的必要的话,由军队”来处理。
In using this language, Trump knows exactly what he is doing.
在使用这种语言时,特朗普完全清楚自己在做什么。

He understands which era and what kind of politics this language evokes.
他明白这种语言唤起的是哪个时代和何种政治。

“I haven’t read Mein Kampf,” he declared, unprovoked, during one rally—an admission that he knows what Hitler’s manifesto contains, whether or not he has actually read it.

“我没有读过《我的奋斗》,”他在一次集会上无缘无故地宣称——这表明他知道希特勒的宣言包含什么,无论他是否真的读过。
“If you don’t use certain rhetoric,” he told an interviewer, “if you don’t use certain words, and maybe they’re not very nice words, nothing will happen.”
“如果你不使用某些修辞,”他告诉一位采访者,“如果你不使用某些词,也许它们并不是很好的词,那么什么都不会发生。”
His talk of mass deportation is equally calculating.
他谈论大规模驱逐同样是经过深思熟虑的。

When he suggests that he would target both legal and illegal immigrants, or use the military arbitrarily against U.S. citizens, he does so knowing that past dictatorships have used public displays of violence to build popular support.

当他暗示要针对合法和非法移民,或对美国公民任意使用军队时,他这样做是因为他知道以往的独裁政权使用公开暴力来建立民众支持。
By calling for mass violence, he hints at his admiration for these dictatorships but also demonstrates disdain for the rule of law and prepares his followers to accept the idea that his regime could, like its predecessors, break the law with impunity.
通过呼吁大规模暴力,他暗示他对这些独裁政权的钦佩,同时也显示出对法治的蔑视,并使他的追随者准备接受这样一种观点:他的政权可以像其前任一样,毫无惩罚地违法。
These are not jokes, and Trump is not laughing.
这不是玩笑,特朗普并没有在开玩笑。

Nor are the people around him.
他身边的人也没有。

Delegates at the Republican National Convention held up prefabricated signs: mass deportation now.
在共和党全国代表大会上,代表们举着预制的标语牌:现在进行大规模驱逐。

Just this week, when Trump was swaying to music at a surreal rally, he did so in front of a huge slogan: trump was right about everything.
就在本周,当特朗普在一场超现实的集会上随音乐摇摆时,他在一个巨大标语前面:特朗普对一切都是正确的。

This is language borrowed directly from Benito Mussolini, the Italian fascist.
这直接借用了意大利法西斯主义者贝尼托·墨索里尼的语言。

Soon after the rally, the scholar Ruth Ben-Ghiat posted a photograph of a building in Mussolini’s Italy displaying his slogan: mussolini is always right.
在集会结束不久,学者露丝·本-吉亚特发布了一张墨索里尼时代意大利一座建筑的照片,上面显示着他的口号:墨索里尼永远是对的。
These phrases have not been put on posters and banners at random in the final weeks of an American election season.
这些短语并不是在美国选举季的最后几周随机贴在海报和横幅上的。

With less than three weeks left to go, most candidates would be fighting for the middle ground, for the swing voters.

在距离选举还有不到三周的时间里,大多数候选人会争夺中间选民,为摇摆选民而战。
Trump is doing the exact opposite. Why?
特朗普正在做完全相反的事。为什么?
There can be only one answer: because he and his campaign team believe that by using the tactics of the 1930s, they can win.
只有一个答案:因为他和他的竞选团队相信,通过使用20世纪30年代的战术,他们可以获胜。

The deliberate dehumanization of whole groups of people; the references to police, to violence, to the “bloodbath” that Trump has said will unfold if he doesn’t win; the cultivation of hatred not only against immigrants but also against political opponents—none of this has been used successfully in modern American politics.

故意对整个群体进行去人性化的描述;提到警察、暴力,以及特朗普所说的“血腥屠杀”,如果他不赢就会发生;不仅针对移民,而且针对政治对手的仇恨的培育——这些在现代美国政治中都没有成功使用过。

But neither has this rhetoric been tried in modern American politics.
但这种修辞在现代美国政治中也没有被尝试过。

Several generations of American politicians have assumed that American voters, most of whom learned to pledge allegiance to the flag in school, grew up with the rule of law, and have never experienced occupation or invasion, would be resistant to this kind of language and imagery.

几代美国政治家假设,美国选民大多数在学校时学会了宣誓效忠于国旗,在法治下长大,从未经历过占领或入侵,因此会对这种语言和意象产生抵制。

Trump is gambling—knowingly and cynically—that we are not.
特朗普正在冒险——自觉且愤世嫉俗地——认为我们不会反对。




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